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    <pre style="white-space:pre-line"><code>12
               delighted and consequently favourable to people and their livestock.  A similar idea of stimulating
               favourable  divine  power  is  behind  the  singing  of  traditional  long  songs  (ColMo.  urtiin  duu)  when
               moving households and their livestock between seasonal encampments (particularly from the spring
               encampment to the summer one).
                     In  premodern Mongolia, many ritual  actions  were performed  by the local  official  holders of
               secular power, particularly the banner governors. These tasks corresponded partially with the earlier
               concepts, perhaps influenced by Yuan Confucianism, and partially influenced by the new ritualistic
                                                      th
                                                              th
               norms of the Manchu Qing rule in the 18  and 19  centuries. The local rulers were considered as
               endowed  with  a  sacred  power,  which  enabled  them  to  address  local  deities  and  spirits,  or  even
               dangerous animals like tigers (Srba 2020).
                     In  this  context,  Caroline  Humphrey  introduced  to  the  discussion  of  Mongolian  religions  the
               term “elders’ religion” (Humphrey 1995, Atwood 2004: 466), which appropriately characterises this
               lay sphere of ritual performances between shamans and Buddhist monks. A correspondence can be
               drawn  between  the  functional  scope  of  the  elders’  religion  and  many  of  the  ritual  texts  widely
               circulated in Mongolian.
                     However,  actions  aimed  at  preventing  misfortune,  harnessing  fortune,  removing  impurity,  or
               retracing and  resolving  causes  of  harm and  bad  luck  can  be performed by  a much larger  range  of
               experienced individuals (including women) outside of the standard Buddhist ordinations and shamanic
               initiations.  Varying  in  their  functions  and  specializations,  these  people  can  rarely  be  assigned  an
                                                                               13
               unambiguous  classification  even  by  indigenous Mongolian  categories.  Some  of  these  abilities  are
               considered innate and genealogically inherited,  while others are usually learned from one’s ancestors.
                                                         14
               Some of these actions could have been assumed or derived from the orthodox Gelugpa tradition (the
               reciting of basic prayers, easier forms of divination, the reading of Buddhist sutras etc. not requiring a
               time-consuming  study  prior  to  a  special  permission  from  a  master  lama,  although  some  kind  of
               introduction is always indispensable), especially in an environment where well-educated lamas were
               or still are absent or inaccessible. Others identify themselves instead with the shamanic tradition, but
               do not let ongon spirits (mostly souls of deceased ancestors or relatives) descend onto them as do the
               standard shamans. In contemporary Mongolia, many of these individuals generally termed “helping
               people” (khünd tusaldag), i.e., providing help in supernatural ways, are the descendants of families
               with lama or shaman forebears who, during the anti-religious policies of communist rule, could not
               actively  and  openly  express  their  knowledge  and  passed  them  only  in  fragmentary  form  to  their
               descendants.
                     Persuaded  or  coerced  into  accepting  the  supremacy  of  Buddhist  doctrine,  the  shamanic
               traditions locally metamorphosed into “converted” layman forms. The institution of the khar bagsh
               (lay teachers) represents a significant tradition among the Öölds of Mongolküree (Zhaosu) in the Ili
               River  basin  in  Xinjiang.  At  the  invitation  of  individual  households,  they  chant  Buddhist  texts  in
               Literary  Oirat  (mostly  canonical  sutras  recorded  by  the  Clear  script  Todo  bičiq  mostly  in  the
               translations of Zaya Paṇḍita) as appropriate to the situation and specific need of the family, similarly
               to the invitation of a Buddhist monk (lam zalakh). A khar bagsh can read the sacred texts individually
               or in a group of several lay teachers, which becomes the case when a larger text needs to be chanted.
               Earlier,  the  khar  bagsh  also  possessed  knowledge  for  curing  diseases  or  mastered  methods  of
               searching  for  stolen  things  or  animals  and  identifying  thieves.  Some  of  the  khar  bagsh  produce
               handwritten  copies  of  sacred  texts  written  in  the  Clear  script  for  their  own  need  or  to  order.  The
               activities of khar bagsh, despite considerable parallels to the activities and methods of lamas, were
                                                                                     15
               considered incompatible and partially competitive with the activities of lamas.  In Mongolküree (and

               12  This aspect has mostly disappeared from the currently prevalent stage performances of the heroic epics. The
               ritual connotations of the heroic epic and its disappearance from the current society have been studied by Taya
               2015 and Namjil 2010: 371–382.
               13  These persons are mostly denoted by periphrastic names: yum meddeg (“knowing something [hidden to others],
               knowing [the hidden causes of things]”), mergen (“wise”), bariach (“bone-setter”), mergeldeg (“sooth-sayer”),
               erikh tatdag (“fortune telling by help of rosary”), khoblogo tatdag (“prognosticating or divining using stones”)
               etc.
               14  Frequently in the matrilinear line.
               15  A lama, although capable of reading and chanting texts in the Clear script, should not be allowed to participate
               in chanting together with a khar bagsh.

                                                           32</code></pre>
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