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    <pre style="white-space:pre-line"><code>A further shift in the reception of these ritual texts can be expected with the ongoing progress in
               studies of works by Mongolian monks written in Tibetan (represented by L. Terbish, B. Ragchaa, B.
               Nyammyagmar,  P.  Nyamochir  and  younger  scholars  including  many  professional  lamas).  The
               excellent  recent  collection  of  Mongolian  Buddhist source texts  (Wallace  2020b),  including, among
               other genres of Mongolian Buddhist literature, seven chapters reflecting ritual texts written by current
               leading personalities in the study of Mongolian Buddhism, will also certainly influence the position of
               ritual texts in Mongolian literary scholarship.


               1.5. Rituals, Shamanism and Folk-Religion

               Previous scholarship largely  discussed the degree to which Mongolian rituals, which were oriented
               toward the pragmatic needs of the land and its inhabitants (including the worship of mountains and
               other sites in the landscape), reflect pre-Buddhist shamanic elements, or on the other hand, how the
               Mongolian versions were “corrupting” Tibetan tradition. The earliest scholarly works on the genres
               today  generally  considered  as  ritual  texts  speak  about  them  and  the  rituals  they  accompany  as
               shamanic whenever a Tibetan textual source cannot immediately be identified. (This identification of
               such  sources  was  quite  a  difficult  task  for  scholars  not  educated  systematically  in  the  Tibeto-
               Mongolian monastic tradition, at least prior to the appearance of modern catalogues and databases of
               Tibetan texts.) Others considered as “shamanic” every ritual text which intended practical goals.
                     The best critical overview of these views can be found in the paper by Christopher P. Atwood
               (1996), which represented a turning point in the comprehension of shamanic and Buddhist traditions in
               the Mongolian rituals. This discourse started in  the mid-19  century by the Buryat  pioneer scholar
                                                                     th
               Dorji Banzarov (1822–1855) and his pivotal work The Black  Faith (in the Russian original widely
               known in its 1891 edition, Банзаров 1891, English translation Banzarov 1981–1982). Banzarov does
               not favour shamanism (“the black faith”) over Buddhism but considers shamanism as relevant to an
               earlier stage of social evolution, as a natural response to life in direct contact with the forces of nature.
               As long as the Mongols still remained living in the unchangeable way of life (according to Banzarov)
               and kept their constant traits of a nomadic people, shamanism persevered as a cultural survival, but in
               an  inseparable  mixture  with  Buddhism,  which  is  however  considered  by  Banzarov  a  victorious
               civilizing power. Nevertheless, Banzarov was not as interested in the development as in genesis, and
               less in the current forms of shamanism than in its ancient forms and beliefs, which can be viewed
               through their current obscured traces.
                     Atwood (1996: 118–120) showed that this common approach of the Mongolists - that any ritual
               with a practical function be classified as shamanistic - could no longer be maintained.  Most ritual
                                                                                              41
               texts combine the three aims of Buddhism: the nirvanic aim (i.e., liberation from rebirth of oneself and
               of the others), the karmic aim (the enjoyment of the consequences of one’s own deeds in this life and
               in the lives to come, as well as in the lives of one’s descendants), and the apotropaic aim (the warding
               off of evil in the present time through various means and observances). All these aims concur in the
               single effort  to  free  oneself  and  the  others  from suffering.  Atwood  finds  the  roots  of  the  effort  to
               divide the elements in the Mongolian religion into shamanic ones (related to the idea of an illiterate,
               magical, superstitious faith inherent in the nomadic character) and on the other hand Buddhist ones
               (characterized as related  to a “pure”, highly intellectual, otherworldly and philosophical  system) as
               grounded in David Hume’s (1711–1776) concept of religion dissolving through its development on
               one  hand  into  philosophy  (as  the  “pure”  religion  for  intellectual  elites)  and  on  the  other  into
               superstition for the lower classes (centred on obtaining physical benefits).
                     In particular, the recent scholarship on the works of Mongolian monks written in Tibetan shows
               a considerable percentage of manuals for rituals and calculations that could be marked as “apotropaic”,
               which  were  hardly  accessible  and  understandable  beyond  the  educated  monastic  environment,  but
               which laymen clearly expected the lamas to perform (for example in the collected works of Erdene
                                                                  42
               Mergen bandida Ishsanbuu; Бямбаа & Ганзориг 2012).  Many canonical Buddhist texts as well as

               41  Atwood here quotes Heissig 1953: 506–507 and Sarközi 1984: 39–40.
               42  Rituals for preventing untimely snow (No. 0012), calculations as to where to find lost cattle (No. 0020–0022),
               and various rituals against malignant local spirits (No. 0011).

                                                           41</code></pre>
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