var textForPages = ["","CHILD WELFARE                      DISCOURSES AND PRACTICES                               IN THE CZECH LANDS:                    THE SEGREGATION OF ROMA AND DISABLED CHILDREN                DURING THE NINETEENTH AND TWENTIETH CENTURIES                                               Victoria Shmidt                                                                   Masaryk University                                              Brno 2015","This work was supported by the project Employment of Best Young Scientists                 for International Cooperation Empowerment (CZ.1.07/2.3.00/30.0037),                     co-financed by the European Social Fund and the state budget                                       of the Czech Republic.                        Všechna práva vyhrazena. Žádná část této elektronické knihy nesmí být reprodukována nebo            šířena v papírové, elektronické či jiné podobě bez předchozího písemného souhlasu            vykonavatele majetkových práv k dílu, kterého je možno kontaktovat na adrese Nakladatelství            Masarykovy univerzity, Žerotínovo náměstí 9, 601 77 Brno.                    All rights reserved. No part of this e-book may be reproduced                 or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written                 permission of copyright administrator which can be contacted                 at Masaryk University Press, Žerotínovo náměstí 9, 601 77 Brno.                       Reviewed by                 professor Marius Turda (Oxford Brookes)                         © 2015 Masarykova univerzita                 © 2015 Victoria Shmidt                       ISBN 978-80-210-7834-5 (online : pdf)                  DOI: 10.5817/CZ.MUNI.M210-7834-2015","Contents                         Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5                    CHAPTER 1                   In the Name of the Czech Nation:                   Education and Eugenics in the Late Imperial Period  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11                      The Crusade for Czech Education:                      From Asserting the Language to Emancipating the Nation  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13                      The Naturally Developed Child:                      The Cornerstone of a New Pedagogical Thinking  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14                      In Opposition to Family and Society:                      School as a Marginal Actor of Nation-Building  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15                      Raising and Educating Girls:                      At the Cutting Edge of the Struggle for New Generations  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19                      Theorising Common Sense in Line of Eugenics  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22                      Conclusions  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25                    CHAPTER 2                   The Segregation of Disabled and Roma Children                   in the Czech Lands During the Interwar Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27                      Eugenics: a Measure for Building the Nation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27                      Eugenics in Action: Care and Control  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32                      Assimilate Not Segregate:                      the Policy Towards the Roma People  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36                      Conclusions  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41                    CHAPTER 3                   The Education for Disabled Children During the First Decades                   after the WWII in Czechoslovakia: in the Game of Big-time Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43                      Education for All Disabled As a Part                      of the Resilience of the Nation   . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44                      Egalitarianism against Elitism: Multilevel Education for All?  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45                      Networking vs. Financial Disaster:                      the Miracle of Collaborative Tactics  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50                      Early Socialist Period: Racing for Political Capital  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52                      The Civic Resistance: the Curse of the Third Republic  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55                      Official Response to the Crisis of Special Education:                      Turn to Professionalisation  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60                      Conclusions  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62                                                                                                3","CHAPTER 4             Development of a Special Education for Roma Children in Socialist             Czechoslovakia: the Pious Desires Towards Total Segregation  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65                 The Institutional Development of Special Education for the Roma:                 Towards the Universalisation of Residential Care  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66                     Education for the Roma Children: Deepening Control under Aliens  . . . . . . . . . . . . 66                     Special Classes: the First Step Away the Mainstream Education  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68                     Special Schools For Roma Children: Integration vs. Segregation in Practice . . . . . . . 70                 Placing the Roma into Schools for the Mentally                 Retarded Children: Becoming “Special”  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72                     Last Socialist Period: Increasing Arbitrariness in Decision Making  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75                 The Ideological Platform of the Education for the Roma Children:                 Professionalisation in Favour of Segegation  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78                     The Discourses Around the Education for the Roma:                     Old Wine in New Bottles  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78                     Psychologising the Discourse of the Roma Child:                     the Consistent Eclecticism of the Arguments  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82                     Medicalising the Roma Children:                     from Exploring the Environment to Invalidating the Child  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84                 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87              CHAPTER 5             Models of Legitimizing Inclusive Education             in the Czech Rep.: What Ambitions May Come . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89                 Inclusive Education in the Czech Rep.:                 Mission Impossible?  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89                 Legitimacy: Overloading Matrix?  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90                 Legitimising Inclusion: the Impact of Professionals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92                 The Models of Legitimizing Inclusive Education:                 Ostensible Contradictions?  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94                     Inclusion in Action: the Practitioners' Approach  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95                     Inclusion as an Agent of Changes  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96                     Inclusion as a New Ideological Platform  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98                 Conclusions  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99             Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101             Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109                 Sources from Archives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109                 Books and Articles from the Journals of the past . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112                 Contemporary Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116             Name Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121             Subject Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125                   4","CHAPTER 4                                   Introduction  Development of a Special Education for Roma Children in Socialist  Czechoslovakia: the Pious Desires Towards Total Segregation  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65  The Institutional Development of Special Education for the Roma:    The segregation of disabled and Roma people is a daunting challenge fac-a daunting challenge fac- fac-  Towards the Universalisation of Residential Care  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66  ing social policy in the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The segregation of Roma     Education for the Roma Children: Deepening Control under Aliens  . . . . . . . . . . . . 66  and disabled children in the Czech Republic and Slovakia has been the source     Special Classes: the First Step Away the Mainstream Education  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68  of considerable academic and activist criticism both home and abroad over the     Special Schools For Roma Children: Integration vs. Segregation in Practice . . . . . . . 70  past two decades (Robila 2009). Both countries are heading EU-charts regard-Both countries are heading EU-charts regard-  Placing the Roma into Schools for the Mentally  Retarded Children: Becoming “Special”  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72  ing the use of therapeutic abortions, together with a wide range of diagnoses     Last Socialist Period: Increasing Arbitrariness in Decision Making  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75  supporting the interruption of pregnancy and a strong pressure from the med-  The Ideological Platform of the Education for the Roma Children:    ical community in favour of sterilization (Národné centrum 2012: 57; Ústav  Professionalisation in Favour of Segegation  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78  zdravotnických 2013: 27). Current debates around the forced sterilization of     The Discourses Around the Education for the Roma:    Roma women during the 1970s and 1980s indicate the that health care profes-     Old Wine in New Bottles  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78  sionals continue to approve of such treatments (Centre for reproductive rights     Psychologising the Discourse of the Roma Child:     the Consistent Eclecticism of the Arguments  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82  2003). Moreover, the exploration of communicative discourses produced by     Medicalising the Roma Children:    the media reveals systematic shortcomings in the public opinion regarding     from Exploring the Environment to Invalidating the Child  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84  the  connection  between  sterilization  and  segregation,  a  hostile  attitude  to-  Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87  wards women who called for reparatory justice, and an indifferent position                   among the journalists (Křižková 2006). The placement of Roma and disabled  CHAPTER 5        children into special boarding schools remains a major option for educating  Models of Legitimizing Inclusive Education    these groups despite the ECtHR regarding this practice as segregation (Eu-  in the Czech Rep.: What Ambitions May Come . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89  ropean court… 2007). As late as 2010 the Slovakian government announced  Inclusive Education in the Czech Rep.:    the plan to place a majority of Roma children into special boarding-schools  Mission Impossible?  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89  Legitimacy: Overloading Matrix?  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90  (Goldirova 2010). Programmes aimed at integrating disabled children (includ-rogrammes aimed at integrating disabled children (includ- aimed at integrating disabled children (includ-  Legitimising Inclusion: the Impact of Professionals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92  ing early intervention family visits, various forms of inclusion, etc…) do not  The Models of Legitimizing Inclusive Education:    operate as comprehensive alternatives to residential care. While legal regula-  Ostensible Contradictions?  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94  tions of child protection are transformed intensively under the pressure of the     Inclusion in Action: the Practitioners' Approach  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95  EU institutions, the Roma families with disabled children continue to be view     Inclusion as an Agent of Changes  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96  as “unreliable families and children” (Homolač 2009).     Inclusion as a New Ideological Platform  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98  Despite attempts to propose a better understanding of the sources and  Conclusions  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99  the consequences of segregation, the discourses and practices associated with  Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101  Roma and disabled children in the Czech lands remain extremely politicised  Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109  and to some extent separated from interdisciplinary approaches which can  Sources from Archives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109  potentially  exploring  segregation  in  its  appropriate  theoretical  framework.  Books and Articles from the Journals of the past . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112  This book proposes an innovative methodology centred on the latest scholarly  Contemporary Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116  knowledge about child welfare combined with theoretical tools such as criti-  Name Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121  cal discourse analysis and an analysis of the institutionalised eugenic rhetoric  Subject Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125  of marginalisation and segregation. In order to better understand the present                   it is important to revisit child welfare discourses and practices within a broad                   chronological framework (nineteenth and twentieth centuries).                                                                                            5","Contemporary discussions of Roma and disabled children – scholarly and             medically alike – should take into account previous debates regarding child             protection in order to identify strategies to prevent segregation. In this book,             I discuss the relationship between eugenics – which made up a significant part             of the arguments used by social policy reforms during the First Czechoslovak             Republic – and the segregation of Roma and disabled children. At the time,             in Central Europe, eugenics was a driving force in setting up procedures and             criteria for health care, educational system, welfare provision. Yet, eugenics             also promoted the segregation of Roma and disabled people directly, both at             theoretical and practical levels (Promitzer Trubeta Turda 2011). This duality is             worth noticing especially when considering contemporary attempts to sustain             and spread the integrative approach to educating and protecting Roma and             disabled children. Paying careful attention to the development of eugenics in             the Bohemian lands makes this object more specific in order to evaluate the             impact of positive (in the Czech version assimilative) eugenics on the current             utilitarian discourses, which continue to slow down the development of alter-             natives to special education and other strategies of dealing with Roma families.                 It is therefore important to focus on the practical implications of eugenic             ideas and their influence on child welfare. Have eugenic ideas expressed dur-             ing the interwar period continued to influence the policy and culture of seg-             regation of Roma and disabled people until now? Scholars disagree on the             importance of eugenics. Those who investigate the Holocaust of Roma people             make a direct link between institutions and ideas developed in the interwar             Czechoslovakia and the extreme forms of segregation practiced during the             Protectorate and the socialist periods (Lhotka 2009; Nečas 1991). The obvious             negative path dependence of social development during the interwar period             is attributed to the specifics of building nation during the late Imperial pe-             riod (Zahra 2008). In contrast to such views, some scholars consider that the             current segregation is mostly connected with the practices established during             both totalitarian regimes (Šimúnek 2012). The interpretation of the past di-. The interpretation of the past di-             rectly affects contemporary discourses and provides the grounds for accept-             ing the responsibility towards the sustainable practice of integration of Roma             and disabled children.                 For the past thirty years, there has been a burgeoning literature on race             (Condit et al. 2002), eugenics (Turda 2007; 2010; 2013) disability (Goodley 2011;             Grue 2011), children and childhood (James et al. 2003; Prout 2004). Previously             seemed unbreakable dichotomies such as “rationally based multiculturalism –             irrational prejudices”, “social – medical model of disability”, “child being –             child becoming” have been reconceptualised. The result is an interdisciplinary             platform which brings together ethnic and gender diversity, political pluralism               6","and active participation in solving social issues and the application of post-                   modernism and the social construction of caring professions (Kehily 2009).                   These theoretical developments have had little impact on current research on                   of the integration of Roma and disabled children in the Czech Republic and                   Slovakia. At best, existing Czech research concentrates on the society's intoler-                   able attitudes and practices, even if there is no consensus among scientists re-there is no consensus among scientists re-re-                   garding the issue of residential care and alternatives to it (Shmidt Bailey 2014).                      The general trend to combine institutional and discourse analysis into the                   consistent methodological scheme reflects the intention to explain not only is-                   sues such as the segregation of Roma and disabled children but also to encom- but also to encom-                   pass various options for efficient social reforms (Shmidt 2010). The widespread                   methodologies of rational choice, historical, and sociological institutionalism                   are now viewed as limited in terms of their ability to approach, understand                   and ultimately foster change. The increasing interest in social policy in Central                   and Eastern European countries represents an additional support for advanc-                   ing a more complex approach that combines ideas, institutions, and agents                   as interrelated entities. Not surprisingly, perhaps, the application of various                   theories of institutionalism(s) to CEE countries revealed further shortcomings                   of the traditional schemes of institutional analysis (Vanhuysse 2009). Explor-Vanhuysse 2009). Explor-). Explor-                   ing discursive institutionalism in the Czech Republic and Slovakia provides                   new options for refining its research agenda and for reinforcing its explana-                   tory power. While the field of family policy and family – friendly labour pol-                   icy have not shied away from applying the new methodologies (T. Sirovatka,                   S. Saxonberg), child protection especially regarding Roma and disabled chil-                   dren continues to exist on the margins of innovative methodologies.                      Both general studies of children/childhood (Folbre 2009) and that of child                   protection in particular countries (Bühler-Niederberger 2005; Fishman 2002;                   Hendrick 1997; Kr�nzl-Nagl 1998) build on a communicative discourse con-; Kr�nzl-Nagl 1998) build on a communicative discourse con-Kr�nzl-Nagl 1998) build on a communicative discourse con-                   nected to the increase influence of the authorities in regulating parenting and                   childhood. This view sets up the grounds for critical revision of current poli-                   cies as well as academic literature about child development, the role of par-                   ents, and the mission of professional care (Kehily 2009). Alongside, childhood                   studies generate the discourses relevant to the new practices of family life,                   marriage, child raising stipulated by the deconstruction of prescriptions relat-                   ed to gender role, health status, ethnic, and so on (Prout 2004). These studies                   do not fully question the obstacles blocking practices of education, health care,                   and child protection because of the obvious gap related to the understand-                   ing of the composition of driving forces: neither institutions nor policy agents                   have been discussed pertinently in childhood studies (James\&James 2004).                   Introducing  a  complex  institutional  analysis  into  the  field  of  child  welfare                                                                                            7","requires one to balance general trends and specific traits of particular countries. As             a result, in this project the CEE countries will be viewed through a sample of             cases which can enhance our methodology of juxtaposing ideas, institutions,             and agents into a coherent explanatory tool. As in other CEE countries, child             welfare discourses and practices in the Czech lands demonstrate a high degree             of co-existence with eugenic ideas (Veselá 2005; Turda 2007). It is therefore             important to focus on the practical implications of eugenic ideas and their             influence on child welfare.                 Recently there has been a rising interest in the impact of eugenic ideas             in CEE countries, especially on the development of social policy, health care,             education, demographic policy (Turda, 2007; Promitzer et al. 2011; Balout-Balout-             zova 2011). While eugenic ideas continue to influence ordinary practices, the             recognition of this problematic legacy remains fragmentary. Historical tes-             timonies can deepen our understanding of eugenics in the Czech lands: on             the one hand, the widespread development of services based upon eugenics             was largely based on eugenics during the pre-1918 (imperial) period (Zahra             2008); on the other hand, the specific way in which Czechoslovakian eugenics             developed during the first republic determined the further development of             child welfare especially in education and health care (Kasper 2008). Thus, the             history of eugenics prompts an exploration of the history of child welfare and             consequently an adoption of a new critical approach to revise the impact of             the past on current social and political practices.                 According to some authors (Feinberg 2006; Fasora 2012), historical stud-             ies of child welfare in the Czech lands are fragmented: not all periods have             been studies to the same degree due to various shortcomings (limited access to             the primary sources of information, predominance of pervasive clichés, false             opposition to different historical periods); regions and ethnic groups are not             equally treated because of previous focus on the Czech, Slovak, and German             traditions (Roma cultural contexts have not been taken into account); schol-             ars tend to see child welfare through benefits and direct state support, while             health care and education continue to be viewed separately from approaches             to support families with many children. The systematic lack of knowledge             regarding the relationship between eugenics and child welfare is an obstacle,             but it should be transformed into a positive challenge. This project will en-             deavour to offer an interdisciplinary and multi-causal interpretation of the             concept of child welfare in the Czech lands during the nineteenth and the             twentieth centuries.                 Investigating  the  influence  of  the  late  imperial  period  (1860–1918)  on             child welfare in the Czech Lands is important as this the retrospective study             sheds light on the various movements in favour of building the national idea               8","(Slavic and German as well) during this period (Halířová 2012). A narrow                   range of approaches to child welfare policies characteristic of the Czech lands                   can be attributed to the resistance to “alien” (German) discourses during the                   late imperial period and can further be traced to the dissemination of eu-                   genic ideas and relevant practices. Debates about the secularisation of child                   welfare serve as the main political context for exploring the communicative                   discourse during the late imperial period (1860–1918). The first chapter, “In                   the name of the Czech nation: Education and Eugenics in the Late Impe-                   rial Period” aims to explore the establishing of the path dependence directly                   linking eugenics and the formation of education for disabled and Roma chil-                   dren in the Czech lands.                      The next step consists of highlighting major developments in child wel-                   fare during the First Republic, including the development of special education                   for disabled children, involuntary removal of Roma children and their further                   placement into boarding schools, and the institutionalisation of public care for                   children in need. The communicative discourse for this period will be recon-                   structed through interpreting the public positions held by key public figures                   and their work towards defining the status of children as the treasure of the                   nation (Zahra 2008). By looking at this period (1918–1938) the chapter “The                   segregation of disabled and Roma children in the Czech lands during the                   Interwar Period” traces the dissemination of eugenic ideas to wider audiences                   and in doing so it juxtaposes the content-analysis of public debates about such                   issues as the professionalization of special education, the ban on corporal pun-                   ishment in residential settings, whilst considering various options provided                   for substitute family placement and biological family reintegration in the con-                   text of limiting parental rights for the Roma(Nečas 2005).                      The Third Republic's period (1945–1949) was distinguished by the inten-                   sive development of special education which was posed as a humanistic alter-                   native to fascist practices. The journal Pedologické rozhledy (Pedagogical views)                   illustrates the new ideological framework, also due, in part, by the incorpora-                   tion of the Soviet defectological approach into the Czechoslovak pedagogy, as                   illustrated by the journal Časopis psychologického odboru (The Journal of psy-                   chological specialisation). The chapter “The education for disabled children                   during the first decades after the WWII in Czechoslovakia: in the game of                   big-time politics” focuses on the contrast between the politics towards the                   education for disabled children during the first decades after the WWII.                      The socialist period abounded in developments determining child protec-                   tion. These includes: the first wave of large-scale institutions (1948–1963); the                   fight for family placement (1963–1976); and the second wave of large-scale                   institutions (1976–1989). This division is directly attributed to the practices of                                                                                            9","segregating Roma during the socialist period analysed in the chapter “Devel-             opment of A special education for roma children in socialist czechoslovakia:             the pious desires towards total segregation”. Throughout the socialist period,             the “togetherness repertoire” of communicative discourses had disguised ob-             vious segregating practices against Roma and disabled people.                 The retrospective comparative analysis of curriculums and manuals re-             garding core disciplines impacting child protection identifies discourses of             parenting and childhood which were extended during teaching process from             the 1960s to the late 1980s. Generally, the impact of family policy on the teach-             ing process will be indicated as well as the role of scholars and lecturers in             reforming the child protection system. During the short period of reinforcing             family placement, debates about the adoption of Roma and disabled children             demonstrated the continuities between the pre-war eugenic ideals and the ide-the ide-             als of the new Soviet man.                 The  retrospective  analysis  of  relevant  eugenic  discourses  will  provide             the background for the current situation in terms of pre-sociological notions             of childhood, family, and institutional pathways. Generally, the last chapter             “Models of legitimizing inclusive education in the Czech Rep.: what ambi-             tions may come” indicates various actors and strategies for possible path de-             parture for child welfare system in the Czech Republic and Slovakia which are             in process of transforming it. The comparative analysis of these two countries             will refine our understanding of the impact of discourses about children and             child welfare together with the dynamics for reforms.                 Moreover, the public debates generated by the judgements of European             Court on Human rights versus the Czech Republic and Slovakia (Wallová             and Walla v the Czech Republic, 2006; DH and Others v Czech Republic, 2007;             IG \& Ors v Slovakia, 2012), about the inclusive education for children with             mental disability and the adoption of Roma children will be analysed in or-             der to construct the current repertoire of communicative discourses. We will             explore various verbal practices dodging the identity of prejudices against             Roma and disabled children (Novák Capponi 1991). This strategy will help             answer the following question: What pervasive tropes are reproduced in public             discourses about child welfare, Roma and disabled children in the context of relevant             reforms, and how do public actors legitimise their position through prioritising vari�how do public actors legitimise their position through prioritising vari�             ous periods as models for contemporary reforms?                        10","CHAPTER 1                                     In the Name of the Czech Nation:                     Education and Eugenics in the Late Imperial Period                          Exploring any social practice in during the late imperial period in the                   Czech lands cannot avoid engaging with the pervasive process of nation-                   building and nationalism (Hlavačka 2013). Similarly, the discourses around                   child welfare, development and deviances should be viewed not only as the                   outcome of the Czech Enlightenment, but also as the constitutive elements                   of a proto-eugenic cultural environment, one which beginning with second                   half of the nineteenth century favored the dissemination of theories of human                   improvement,  particularly  with  respect  to  education  and  social  care.  This                   text aims to trace the range of discourses regarding children and childhood                   among Czech social scientists in the late imperial period. These discourses                   did not disappear with the collapse of the Habsburg rule; on the contrary,                   they had survived the new political order, playing an important role in shap-                   ing Czechoslovak eugenic theories about special education and social care                   during the interwar period.                      As elsewhere, child welfare and discourses about childhood in the Czech                   lands reflected broader economic developments, such industrialization and                   urbanization (Chad 2000). Recognising the child as an economic resource con-                   tributed to the development of concepts of social control of children and their                   environment. Previously developed by diverse social practices, child welfare                   discourses began to coalesce under the influence of the instituionalisation of                   both the educational and social care systems (Halířová 2012). In the first place,                   ideas connecting the child to the environment had been reformulated – the                   previous univocal identification of the child with nature and innocence was                   replaced by the view that the relationship between a child and his/her environ�                   ment required more sophisticated research and treatment strategies (Gittins 1998:                   46). Alongside the growing influence of the Protestant ethic, the new industri-                   alised social life played a decisive role in bringing together the previously two                   separated Christian discourses—the innocent child and the evil child. What                   emerged was a dual attitude towards the child, seen both as a threat and a vic-                   tim (Goldson 1997; Hendrick 1997). This two-sided concept served as the basis                   for the formation of institutions protecting vulnerable children. These changes                                                                                            11","in child protection augmented the emergence of new theories, put forward             primarily by psychologists, which relied extensively on experts' knowledge             about children and child development, especially in terms of biological vs.             social influence, alongside an extension of pedagogical efforts (Kehily 2009).                 In many ways, eugenics had a similar mission – to provide a theory and             arguments in favour of social and biological norms relevant to a new mode of             life (Turda 2013). As such, it should be interpreted as a conceptual platform             not separate but in conjunction with the general currents of thoughts inform-             ing the ideological and institutional grounds for the growth of the child wel-             fare system during the late imperial period. Currently in the Czech Republic,             the history of eugenics is mostly associated with the Protectorate period and             the inhuman experiments performed by Nazi physicians (Šimunek 2012). Yet             eugenic ideas had also directly contributed to the formation of institutions             and practices regarding the Roma and disabled children, although their im-             pact and importance continue however to be marginalized in the scholarship.                 Contemporary  Western  scholarship  of  the  history  of  eugenics  notes  its             close connection with various moral and religious campaigns to revitalise the             nation, as illustrated, for example, by the Medizinische Polizey, a popular trea-             tise in German-speaking countries during the Enlightenment (Labisch 1992);             the movement against national degeneration in Great Britain (Young 1980); the so�             cial marketing of charity in the USA based upon the idea of prevention against social             diseases (Ordover 2003). The ideological continuity between early- and later             periods in the history of eugenics highlights the role of the individuals who re-             cruited eugenics to their cause in order to advance various social, cultural and             political programmes. The European trend to commodify children resonated             in Czech social thinking alongside the task to emancipate the Czechs from             Austria and from the domination of German language in all area of public life.             At the time, most Czech-language general education became professionalized             in parallel with its intensive involvement in the nationalist movement. Two of             the most popular Czech-language journals in the second part of the 19  cen-                                                                               th             tury, škola a život , (Life and school) and Pěstoun (Guardian), offered a platform                            1             for public debates on education, child upbringing, and parenting. By explor-             ing the articles from these journals, one can provide a detailed overview of             discourses and themes advocating a new education commensurate with the             mission of Czech nation-building.                 1	  Until	the	last	quarter	of	the	19th	century	some	authors	who	published	their	articles	in	this	journal	preferred	to                 remain	anonymous	in	order	to	protect	themselves	from	the	highly	probable	persecutions	of	authorities	during                 the	Bach	era,	due	to	this	in	the	list	of	sources	some	of	articles	are	referred	according	to	the	title	not	author               12","THE CRUSADE FOR CZECH EDUCATION:                   FROM ASSERTING THE LANGUAGE TO EMANCIPATING THE NATION                       The idea of national education for the Czech people dominated the sec-                   ond part of the 19  century and two first decades of the 20  century (Zahra                                                                           th                                    th                   2011). Czech enlighteners viewed education and upbringing as an essential                   frame for nation-building: “in Germany, France, England and elsewhere, the                   idea that school curriculum's task is to refine people dominates education”                   (Oč se vlastn�… 1860: 11). Along with the universal mission of schools, educa-Oč se vlastn�… 1860: 11). Along with the universal mission of schools, educa-… 1860: 11). Along with the universal mission of schools, educa- 1860: 11). Along with the universal mission of schools, educa-: 11). Along with the universal mission of schools, educa-                   tion was defined in terms of uniqueness and exceptional relevance to each of                   nation: “How different is the trajectory that the education of each of nation                   nurtures! The Germans have their specific and unchangeable toolkit for up-                   bringing the next generations, so do the French and other nations” (ibid:13).                   Remarkably, the author mentioned Germany, whose pedagogical systems and                   Kulturkampf were opposed by the Czech nationalists for negatively influenc-                   ing future Czech generations.                      Czech pedagogues considered that Christian norms, essential for general                   education,  could  only  be  preached  in  one's  native  language.  Furthermore,                   teaching in German was described as inappropriate for the needs of the Czech                   people. In significant degree, this argument reflected the temporary loyalty of                   the Czechs to the official ideology appropriating Christianity Catholicism as                   the consolidating ideology for all nations in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, es-                   pecially during Alexander von Bach's regime (1851–1860). Later the argument                   in favour of the use of native language as the fittest agent of religious values                   was replaced with a more expanded critique against the dominance of the                   German language, seen as a factor of de-nationalization, especially amongst                   the youth (Zahra 2011).                      The role of the national language as a source of natural development was                   stressed during debates regarding general education. Czech pedagogues in-                   sisted that “learning foreign languages” did not necessarily mean becoming                   a moral person; often, in fact, “foreign languages' corrupted ‘the soul of the                   child” (D�jiny… 1887). The predominant Czech discourse at the time, which                   concentrated on naturally developed child, was constructed in opposition to                   traditional German approaches to child education.                                                                                                      13","THE NATURALLY DEVELOPED CHILD:                   THE CORNERSTONE OF A NEW PEDAGOGICAL THINKING                  At the beginning of the second part of the 19  century, the Czechs attempt-                                                         th             ed to revise educational approaches in order to bring the principle of «natural             buoyancy» of the child into practice. This effort served as an alternative to the             German approach, which ascribed to the child such features as thoughtless-             ness, roughness, irregularity, and indolence. The consistent implementation of             the discourse of the “evil child” by German authors encouraged the Czechs to             reject such strategy of punishing children. The German call for improving the             procedures regarding control and penalty became a main target of the critique             by the Czech pedagogues who deemed it as irrelevant to authentic child devel-             opment. Any action against naturalness was marked as “a sin which echo re-             sounded to the Heavens, an offense against people's life which has far-reaching             consequences” (Neblahé ovoce… 1862). The Czech children's lack of response             to German pedagogy was explained not by the lack of teachers' diligence but             by their “exhausting the spring of child's buoyancy” (ibid). Teachers' arrogance             and their feeling of superiority were described by the Czech pedagogues as             some of the main reasons contributing to the failure to educate the Czech chil-             dren in German. By contrast, the Czech educators highlighted the importance             to recognise the soul of the child, alongside the ability to understand the child,             both strategies described as “a vital spring of teaching methods” (Pavel 1857:             242). The term protiduševní (anti-spiritual) – unable to recognize the child –             was used to describe the German approach.                 Within this process, the Czech educators justified the unique role of schools             and professionals in educating the nation. The special competencies of teach-             ers focused on two interrelated areas of knowledge: (1) the divine origin of             human beings and the mission of teaching the next generations the Christian             standards; (2) Mother Nature and the child's development within it (Jak by             učitel… 1856). The practical task was how to juxtapose both perspectives in             various areas of education. Creating a new Czech school education also as-             sumed the unhealthy legacy of the past should be overcome. For instance, the             critique against of the Czech farmers' adoption of German agrarian techniques             was based on the fact that in the past the Czech farmers “were not the owners             of their own time, afraid of making mistakes because of the fear being pun-             ished“ (� rolnických �kolách 1856). The importance of education for the aspira-� rolnických �kolách 1856). The importance of education for the aspira- rolnických �kolách 1856). The importance of education for the aspira-). The importance of education for the aspira-             tions of the Czech farmers was constructed in terms of a professional approach             to farmers' experience, leading to the establishment of a system of colleges for             them. The Czech educators described the teacher as a unique individual able             to bring together these various principles into a coherent agenda of education.                14","The Czech educators claimed that a detailed knowledge of child was an                   essential source for planning and implementing the aims of the new education                   and nation-building. The role of the pedagogue was compared with that of                   a builder or a gardener – “who makes all efforts to prevent the tender sprout                   from the damage of wind, insects and frost” (Dv� uvahy 1862). This interpreta-                   tion of pedagogical mission advanced the idea that raising a new generation is                   a long-term task: “a sculptor needs several week to create the figure from mar-                   ble; hammering tool from iron ore takes hours and hours; a fruit tree requires                   six years minimum for the first harvest, and how long do we need to wait for                   the total independence of our youth? It takes half of our life…” (Jelínek 1888).                   The unique role of the education was set against the general agenda of the                   Czech schools, described as unable to implement the major transformation of                   society due to the opposition exercised by the dominant German culture.                                    IN OPPOSITION TO FAMILY AND SOCIETY:                          SCHOOL AS A MARGINAL ACTOR OF NATION-BUILDING                       In terms of K. Thelen, the Czech school can be described as a marginal actor                   without any negative connotation with the political regime in the struggle to                   contest the pressure of Austrian imperial bureaucratic approach to education                   and to create a new vision for the Czech people. “The school is good, while the                   world is evil” – was one saying (Proč �kolské… 1858). By separating the Czech                   school from Austrian state institutions, Czech reformers placed education at                   the boundary of private and public spheres in order “to match it against the                   imperial pro-state approach” (Škola v pom�ru k rodin�, obci a církvi 1855).                   The Czech school's opposition to imperial public life was directly built into the                   process of differentiating public and private realms of social life. Specifying                   the status of educational institutions, schools as well as day nurseries (opa�                   trovna), the Czech pedagogues blurred the boundaries of private and public.                   Blurring boundaries also meant that schools became substitutes for families,                   especially those which were poor and could not provide appropriate upbring-                   ing (Dal�í slovo… 1857).                      The diversity of positions regarding the family-school relationships were                   echoed in the various discourses around the child and childhood formulated                   by the Czech educators. Some authors likened child-parental relationship to                   that of the servant-master. These authors bestowed upon parents the com-                   plete responsibility for controlling the child; they also viewed the school as                   “a small-scale but in many things a more perfect state” (ibid 147), a view corre-147), a view corre- corre-                   sponding with the discourse of the “tabula rasa”, “if the pedagogical treatment                                                                                            15","was appropriate, and the educator gifted” (Jelinek 1888). Mediating between             public and private became a mainstream attitude with respect to the role of             the school amongst the Czech educators: “the school operates in favour of con-             necting family and society, the private and the public” (Jaký jest posavadní…             1856). Thus viewed, the school promoted the view of teachers as practitioners             who possessed both professional and parental competencies. Teaching started             to be seen as an art: “a superior art under an ordinary art, teaching creates             a maestro from the most flexible entity – the human being” (Pavel 1857). This             vision of teaching elaborated the concept of child development as a complex             process  equally  requiring  special  knowledge  and  delicate  emotions  (Dal�í             slovo… 1857). Undoubtedly, it was hoped that education would contribute to             the decline of social inequality, while supporting the idea that education could             unify social groups into a unitary nation.                 Acknowledging  new  functions  and  responsibilities  for  the  school  rein-             forced its role in the nation-building process. By the end of the 19  century,                                                                            th             the Czech school accepted the mission to improve not only the spirit of the             children but also their physical health (Bonmariage 1888). The idea of regular             medical examinations in schools became popular amongst educators because             of the growing number of children from vulnerable families whose parents             suffered from “social” illnesses such as sexually transmitted diseases and tu-             berculosis, next to the intention to prevent the spread of such diseases. Grow-             ing in importance, Czech education developed pre-school units serving the             primary need of raising new generations.                 A  ten-year-struggle  (from  the  middle  of  the  1870s  to  the  middle  of  the             1880s) to ensure the survival of the Czech kindergartens suggests that the pro-             gramme of educating children in the name of the nation was the main objec-             tive for the budding Czech education during that period. In 1872 the Austrian             Ministry of Education made the decision to reduce the budget for Czech kin-             dergartens because of “their low standards regarding hygiene and their inap-             propriate methods for preparing children for primary schools” (Zpráva o…             1889). The main argument for defending the Czech kindergartens was the cru-The main argument for defending the Czech kindergartens was the cru-             cial role they played in caring for children from poor families. Moreover, Czech             school inspectors conducted a special survey in ten districts questioning school             principals, physicians in local centres devoted to child and maternal assistance,             and members of charity unions. At the conference of the Czech kindergartens             in 1889, participants debated the survey outcomes in the context of further im-             proving the quality of kindergartens: the main set of arguments consisted of             citations from physicians' reports who highlighted the positive impact of plac-             ing children in care and the kindergartens' role on the prevention of diseases.                 16","Shortcomings were explained by insufficient training of nurses, and the pre-                   dominance of the analytico-synthetic method of teaching children, typical of                   the German pre-school pedagogy. While the Czech experts found this approach                   unsuitable to the Czech children, they encouraged spontaneous teaching based                   upon observing nature, folk dances and songs as the most desirable content                   for the preschool training of children. According to their opinion, pre-school                   education had to combine all benefits of family upbringing with professional                   care; then, the kindergarten's location should not be too far away from home,                   children should not feel themselves lost by being placed into a new location.                   The kindergartens should be aware of the mission to raise a healthy generation                   of Czechs and reproduce the main frames of the ideal family life. The confer-                   ence also made a convincing point against the repeated change of nurses: “so                   many new women around children may provoke unpleasant emotional and                   behavioural responses among them” (O �kádlení… 1888).                      If experts accepted the positive role of the family in raising children to the                   preschool age, they also demanded professional participation in the raising                   of school-age children: “family encourages tender soft feelings, sharps sen-                   sitivity, but older children need more coherent guidance under the lead of                   professionals” (O vyhovování… 1862). The educator was gradually portrayed                   as a universal figure able to carry out both roles: parent and teacher, while the                   family increasingly became the target of critique. Such trend could be viewed                   illogical – especially in the context of the predominant discourse of the “natu�                   rally developed child”, but it was precisely during this period that the dispute                   between various views on the child, family, and professionals, which would                   dominate  the  next  periods  of  child  welfare  formation,  had  first  appeared.                   Reducing the role of families in children's education was directly related to                   the parents' resistance to place children into schools after the introduction of                   compulsory school attendance in 1855. The educators explained the parents'                   reluctance  by  their  backwardness  and  unfamiliarity  with  school  education                   and its tasks: “they question: What do our children learn [in school]? And                   do not wait for an answer” (Navrch… 1857). In forming practices aimed at                   controlling school attendance, educators increasingly focused on the inability                   of parents to bring up their children. The intention to use their own children                   as labor started to be criticized: “often it happens that employed children fall                   in the company of adults, whose words and behaviour are a harmful influ-                   ence”  (Jelínek  1888).  The  compassionate  description  of  the  shepherd  boy's                   destiny, whose parents had to place him in service due to poverty, provided                   arguments regarding the imperfection of family surroundings and the need                   for regular attendance of school as the only possible way to raise the youth                                                                                             17","morally: “Even though we are not perfect we cannot make our future genera-             tion to suffer from the same miseries [as we did]. We need to make our best             and break away from the vicious circle” (Zákoucký b 1889).                 By equalizing poor families with the source of immoral behaviour, either             potential or apparent, the public discourse of the last third of the 19  century                                                                            th             legitimised the increased control of families of farmers and workers in order to             ensure the future generations of the Czech nation. The practice of assisting the             families whose children could not attend school regularly enough brought to-             gether educational and local authorities. Some teachers became school inspec-             tors (školdozorce) and shared the responsibility to make a list of students not at- and shared the responsibility to make a list of students not at-             tending school. Every week they passed this information to the local priest who             was usually involved into the management of school, and in the case of a per-             sistent absence (more than 6 months), the priest could inform local authorities             accompanying it by the request about a special intervention. Educators began             to expect that parents not only ensure school attendance but also prepare their             children for school (Čebuský 1857). According to the educators, the parents'             responsibility for preparing children for school should consist of “efforts to             motivate children to attend school and obey the teacher's orders” (ibid). The             regular Church attendance and primarily meeting with the teacher were rec-             ommended as the desirable practices in order to prepare the child to school                 In the beginning of the 1880s, the Union of Kindergartens and Similar Or-             ganisations (Spolek škol mateřských a ústavů jim příbuzných) started to publish             The Guardian (P�stoun), a journal for parents and educators alike. The mis-             sion of the journal was to inspire parents and educators to disseminate Czech             national consciousness. One of the main sections was titled Parents who bring             up better children help to make a better future? (Rodiči odchováním lep�ího poko-Rodiči odchováním lep�ího poko-             lení dopomohou budoucím k lep�ím časům). Unfulfilling this task often led to             marking the family as ‘bad'. It is possible to recognize in this obsession with             a certain style of ‘parenting' the drastic strategies for intervention in Roma             families, which were applied during the First Republic period.                 Within the context of general education, the arguments limiting the power             of families can be evaluated as moderate in contrast to much stricter nega-             tive approaches developed within the social protection system. Professionals             were acknowledged to be able “to shape the ideal soldier from the lamentable             Czech” (Dal�í slovo… 1857). In a popular story about a vagabond published             in 1889, the irresponsibility of the parents remained the main theme disclosing             the key reasons of the main character's social fall: “the parents did not send             the boy to school on time; did not care about placing their up growing son             into the hands of a good master, and finally did not find place in their soul                 18","for loving their child” (Zákoucký c 1889). The impossibility to make the child                   acquire norms was explained by the absence of the positive influence within                   the family. In another story, the author of The Vagabond narrated his attempt                   to re-educate a child from an immoral family whose father was sentenced for                   stealing. The unsuccessful struggle against the authority of the father, referred                   to by the boy every time he contested the teacher, led the author to the conclu-                   sion that: “I recognized that all troubles start in the family: one time the father                   visited me and claimed that we could not make a lawyer from his son, could                   not ensure his welfare in the future, and thus we do not have any legal permis-                   sion to oblige his son to do meaningless tasks” (Zákoucký a 1889: 129)                      Even more, the positive attitude of the child towards the mother started to                   be viewed as a subject of professional treatment: nurses in kindergartens were                   recommended to cultivate good image of mothers and motherhood due to its                   relevance for the discourse of the naturally developed child and nation-build-                   ing: “While a teacher does not plan to destroy the child's belief in himself, all                   words talked about parents especially about mothers should reflect the sacred                   tie between the child and the mother which are so closely connected with the                   spirit of the nation” (Škola v … 1855). Transforming the att itude to mother-). Transforming the att itude to mother-. Transforming the attitude to mother-                   hood caused heated debates among the Czech educators about the education                   of young girls.                                        RAISING AND EDUCATING GIRLS:                   AT THE CUTTING EDGE OF THE STRUGGLE FOR NEW GENERATIONS                       As in other areas of education, such as gymnasiums and technical colleg-                   es, the training for farmers, the theme of education for women became a site                   for the construction and the subsequent propaganda of Czech education for                   the Czech nation. The significance of the girls' education increased due to the                   growing importance of the child in national imagery, of improving its health                   and the role of the parents in achieving this mission. A young girl was viewed                   in two interrelated hypostases: as a child who belonged to the nation and as                   a potential mother who not only would give birth to a child, but would have to                   play a crucial in the child's rearing and education. The mother's wisdom, pru-                   dence and thoughtful behaviour were considered to be the essential grounds                   for the formation of emotional ties between the child and the world, indis-                   pensable resources for the child's development. Arguments in favour of the                   enlightened motherhood were drawn up from the particular concept of the                   naturally developed child: “the child is a holistic entity locked in the limits of                   the external world” (ibid: 149).                                                                                            19","The naturalness of the virtuous behaviour that was naturally ascribed to             women: “attentive to the each detail, careful, devoted and affectionate” (Jak by             učitel… 1856), contrasted with the behaviour imposed by social norms aimed             at seduction and flirting. Both marriage and parenthood lose their meaning in             terms of the nation's health when the woman does not behave herself natu-             rally: “Could husbands get something sweet in their lives while their marriage             has turned into grief? What happens with children who make up a whole gen-             eration while their mothers embittered their lives?” (ibid).                 The education of women was directly bound with the quality of imple-             menting  the  mother's  duties,  and  the  Czech  educators  criticized  the  wide-             spread opinion at the time that less a woman knew about the world the better             she performed the role of housewife, wife and mother. Asking what a well-             educated woman meant, an anonymous Czech author noted in 1861 that there             were several opinions: “would woman speak either German or French, she             would attract the men's attention”. The author also recapitulated those fea-             tures which were commonly accepted by the Czech educators as the poisonous             fruits of the Austro-German mode of life. The traditional home schooling for             girls was criticised for the mechanical memorizing which tutors practiced. The             outcomes of such education were described as the “behavior of contemporary             monkeys”: “go, Anny, make pukrle, tell kystyhant and give pak“ (Úvahy 1858).             The authentically well-educated Czech girl should be congenial to the spirit of             the nation, able to perform folk songs and dances, and know the basic knowl-             edge about the history and geography of the Czech lands (My�lenky… 1861).             The intention to teach girls “à la française” was compared with the dominance             of German-language education for the Czech boys and marked as a threat to             the nation's health. While “frenchified” education aimed to teach girls to attract             the opposite sex, did not prepare them for marriage and motherhood; thus             home schooling in this manner was defined as “tainted” (Jak by učitel… 1856).                 Typical of the common sense the dilemmatic nature of prescriptions to             parents influenced the critique against the mainstream approach to educating             girls, which contained not only the idea of “impure” intentions but the over-             focus on mothers as housekeepers, “a common mistake among mothers who             do not know how their behaviour is against the child' interest” (ibid). The             attitude of parents towards the education of their daughters, the “frenchfied”             education, and the neglect to enlighten the young girls, all combined to create             a universal criterion for describing parents as unable to educate the young             girls in the nation's interests.                 Inasmuch as educators prescribed the parents of girls a skeptical attitude             toward school attendance (“as minimum useless and superfluous as maximum                 20","harmful and threatening to the future marital plans” (Úvahy 1858), the infl u-Úvahy 1858), the infl u-), the influ-                   ence of parents was evaluated as a sign of backwardness. Commenting the                   outcomes of the survey regarding school attendance by girls, one school in-                   spector wrote: “Families are short-sighted” (My�lenky… 1861). Despite the                   possibility to attend five years of school, less than 10% of girls did it in the                   late 1880s, and the average duration of regular attendance did not exceed two                   years. The main reason for this was the wish of parents who wanted “to see                   [their] daughters comfortably married”. According to the Czech educators,                   the misconception of parents regarding the content of educating their daugh-                   ters should be compensated by the thoughtful curriculum based upon the idea                   of universally beneficial action (ibid)                      The increasing assurance of the necessity to educate girls as for the fur-                   ther implementation of the mother's duties stipulated the readiness to ac-                   cept various organisational designs – for different social groups. Thus pov-                   erty was more important than school education for the girls' family (Jak až                   posud… 1862). This trend coincided with the dissemination of the idea that                   poverty and immoral behaviour were viewed as two sides of the same coin:                   the backwardness of the Czech people.                      The arguments in favour of the reform of the education for girls were                   drawn from foreign sources as well. In the 1880s Czech pedagogues discussed                   the Treatise on the Education of Girls by François de Salignac de la Mothe-                   Fénelon (1861), an eminent predecessor of the French Enlightenment whose                   texts affected the reforms of education throughout Europe in the 18–19  cen-                                                                                     th                   turies (Fenelon 1887). The Czech pedagogues actively applied the arguments                   developed by Fénelon who consistently constructed the discourse of the child                   as tabula rasa in their own way of thinking. The Fénelonian focus on the prior-                   ity of social driving forces, e.g. the outstanding impact of early childhood on                   further growth, was replaced by the idea of more natural mode of life charging                   the child's mind. Naturalness was contrasted to the artificial way of education                   which limited the child's ability to communicate with the external world. The                   connection between mother and child described by Fénelon as a key condition                   for further socialising was interpreted by the Czech pedagogues as an indis-                   pensable condition for natural development of the child. Fénelon's argument                   against corporal punishment was used by the Czech educators to describe                   German pedagogy as preferring such methods.                      The education for girls was distinguished by a wide range of topics char-                   acterising “the crusade for the Czech education”: the opposition to any foreign                   model of teaching because of its incompatibility with Czech nation-building;                   viewing the Czech school as a marginal but powerful agent; the discourse of                                                                                             21","naturally developed child in combination with the arguments about families             as backward. By the beginning of the 20  century, the debates around the edu-                                                  th             cation for the Czech nation started to incorporate these proto-eugenic ideas             within frameworks directly affiliated with eugenics.                        THEORISING COMMON SENSE IN LINE OF EUGENICS                   In the last quarter of the 19  century, the Czech educators often adopted                                          th             approaches that can be described as eugenic – according to their societal in-             tention and theoretical frames binding ethnicity, heredity, and development.             Primarily, treatises about the culture of other nations introduced the first re-             flections on eugenics. For instance, in 1872 Franti�ek Zámečník published his             four-part book On the naturalness of human mental heredity (O naturelu čili psy-             chické člov�ka přirozenosti), which widely resonated among subscribers of             the journal School and life (Škola a život). The text aimed to provide a complete             program for the training of the Czech teachers. The argument that even the             most successful family was limited in its capacities to raise children due to             the predominance of spontaneous approach to educating was applied here             to justifying the necessity of the multifaceted training of educators: “to be             able to awake the child through a whole array of competencies” (Zámečník             a 1872). The text consistently posited the bond between social and biological             driving forces, which became the core of assimilative eugenics and the main-             stream ideology of social care and special education in the first third of the             20  century in the Czech lands (Zámečník c 1872). For testing this approach,               th             the author utilised ethnographic studies – in order to demonstrate the diver-             sity of factors and the interrelations between them. Referring to the studies of             aboriginal Australians, for instance, Zámečník analysed the unusual mode of             life as a synthetic natural factor calling for coherent analysis. He delineated             the natural factor into several interconnected parts: geographical, geological,             climatic, language, cultural and further driving forces (Zámečník d 1872).                 The discourse on the naturally developed child was also applied to indi-             cate differences among nations. Matching culture and parental style substanti-             ated the practice to prescribe nations a particular age and a degree of maturity:             “Negros behave themselves as small children and would be able to acquire the             behavioural patterns relevant to the adults only being placed in other cultural             conditions” (Zámečník a 1872). In line with the Locke's definition, the author             highlighted the impact of health, as well as of natural and social resource, on             the nation-building. Consequently, nations were divided into more or less ma-             ture according to their ability to care for the health of people.                22","From the contemporary point of view, Zámečník's text is a classical sample                   of theorizing the common sense in terms of contemporary sociologists. For                   instance, by prescribing particular features to particular nations due to the                   influence of geological factors he explained the multigenerational reproduc-                   ing of traditions. The pseudoscientific nature of the text is obvious and does                   not require supplementary exploration. There were other prominent scholars                   who produced a more sophisticated theory of common sense. The 1902 book                   The meaning of pedopsychology (Hodnota pedopsychologie) by Franti�ek Čada                   became an academic manifest of the Czech education regarding the idea of                   naturally developed child and the ways to explore child development for the                   long period of the Czechoslovakian education (Cach 2000).                      Focusing on methodological grounds of childhood studies, Čáda criti-                   cised two camps of scholars who according to his opinion provided an inade-                   quate attitude towards child development. The first subject of Čáda's critique                   was general psychology and its attempts to study child. General psychology                   was unable to take into account the specifics of the child's mental develop-                   ment: “all these manuals evaluate the child as an imperfect entity on the way                   of coming-of-age”( Čáda 1902: 4). On the other hand, by trying to derive the                   knowledge  about  the  general  psychological  regularities  from  scrutinizing                   child mentality, experimental psychology diluted the concept of the child's                   mind and reduced the chance to recognize its peculiarities to zero: “they take                   into account exceptionally the simplest traits of the child and miss the com-                   plete frame of the child's mind” (ibid: 5).                      The second camp, represented by Ch. Darwin, G.S. Hall and W.X. Talbot,                   was criticised for its full engagement with the task to directly affect child                   development: “it is totally inappropriate task to work out any type of guid-                   ance aimed at providing the particular rules for managing children” (ibid:                   7). As an alternative to both interpretations, Čáda highlighted the necessity                   to scrutinize psychogenesis as the grounds for establishing appropriate aims                   of educating children. He began by arguing that the science of education                   should create such “explanations which would be relevant to the experience                   of children and trainers, natural for them and not too abstract”. Such explana-                   tions should be understandable and accessible not only to scholars but also to                   parents and children, who could thus advance their education by looking at                   themselves from the outside.                      Čáda reinforced the unique role of the teacher, which was developed by                   the Czech educators in the second part of the 19  century. The key object of                                                                 th                   pedopsychology according to him was to refine the sensitivity of educators                   to  the  spiritual  needs  of  the  children.  Thus  in  line  with  Hall's  rejection  of                                                                                            23","research methods vivisecting the child's soul, Čáda justified methods based             upon observation and the content-analysis of child's activity (especially child             drawing attracted his attention). Such methods permeate the holistic approach             and equipped educators with the necessary knowledge regarding the better             implementation of the control of children: ”the more we realise driving forces             of child development the more we love our children – because previously in-             appropriate behavioural manifestations become for us more understandable,             together with the sources of their origin”.                 Čada was persuaded by the necessity to introduce children to psychologi-was persuaded by the necessity to introduce children to psychologi-             cal competencies and to teach them by applying the psychological knowledge             for improving behaviour and self-understanding. But neither social learning             nor improving psychological competencies were sufficient prerequisites for             the quality of education, as long as the teacher was not thoughtful and tactful             in communicating with children. Debating with H. Münsterberg who opposed             the professional and parental view on the child, čáda noted that the educator             could rely on own parental experience and combine quasi-parental functions             with professional tasks. These positions ensured, according to čáda, two main             requirements to the pedagogical treatment, namely security in terms of avoid-             ing any risks to intervene the natural way of development and the focus on             morality and piety of the child.                 In Čáda's texts, we could discern the first formulation of the key arguments             against selective eugenics which would be elaborated later within debates on             compulsory sterilisation. Additionally, Čáda claimed the conditionality of the             task to recognize the child's development, which in many ways would remain             “the subject for observing than correcting and transforming”. He inclined to-             wards social learning as the comprehensive strategy for reeducating the ‘aso-             cial child' based on the premise that it would rely on the spontaneous mani-             festations of the child's personality.                 Čáda's ideas perfectly matched those in favour of the Czech education             formulated in debates during the second part of the 19  century. Theorising                                                                 th             the main frames of this agenda, Čáda offered the individual approach to the             child's mind both in terms of its exploration and treatment, which accepted             the role of heredity but in practice, relied on social learning. Precisely, the in-             dividual approach was based upon the intention to realize the impact of bio-             logical (heredity factors) and social (the influence of surroundings) in order to             recognize the possible “cap” of pedagogical efforts. The institutional prereq-             uisites for practicing this approach were established in two first decades of the             20  century.               th                  24","CONCLUSIONS                       By the end of the 19  century, the Czechs had formulated not only a defi-                                         th                   nite position towards education, but drew up an agenda for its development                   according to the ideals of the nation-building. Powered by morality, usability                   and health mode of life, the new Czech education was opposed to the Austrian                   Empire's German-language tradition which was ultimately described as mor-                   ally unfit for the future generations of Czechs. While German education was                   an agent of empire, the concept of the new Czech education served the people's                   aspirations. Shortcomings of various educational programmes were explained                   by their lack of national substance, an argument often invoked in debates about                   the danger of future generations' deviation from ‘normal' behaviour.                      The focus on naturalness as an indispensable condition for the appropri-                   ate education and raising of children stipulated the construction of concepts                   regarding  the  key  topics  of  the  Czech  education:  the  education  for  girls,                   training of farmers, preschool teaching, etc. In fact, discourses about chil-                   dren served their commodification in favour of the state's interests, and were                   thus transformed by the Czech ideologues of nation-building to substantiate                   their emancipatory claims from the Austrian system and imperial state ma-                   chinery. The Czech school and the Czech teacher became the unique resource                   for recognizing the child's needs and abilities, and the ways to manage them.                   As in other European countries, social sciences in the Czech lands began                   to theorise about education, childhood and parenthood, which were previ-                   ously established and rooted in the common sense. The naturally developed                   child was fixed not only as appropriate but as the only possible concept of                   thinking about child development – especially with respect to children from                   peasant and working class families.                      Social issues including the education for socially vulnerable and the mis-                   sion of nation-building were seen as a challenge by the Czech-language edu-                   cation. Marie Červinková-Riegrová, a spiritual leader of the national move-Marie Červinková-Riegrová, a spiritual leader of the national move-, a spiritual leader of the national move-                   ment for the Czech education, in her well-known pamphlet “The protection                   of the poor and the neglected youth: attitudes towards humanism across Eu-                   rope” (Ochrana chudé a opuštěné mládeže: rozhledy po lidumilství v Evropě, 1887)                   laid hopes on solving the social issues, primarily poverty, as the first step by                   the Czech intellectuals towards the emancipation of the Czech people from                   the pressure of the Austrian Empire's stifling domination: “neglecting the                   well-being of poor is neglecting the interests of nation, [and ]we cannot make                   such a mistake“.                                                                                               25","The new Czech education had a special role in formulating a healthy ideal             of life and later in the establishment of assimilative eugenics, the most power-             ful ideological platform during the interwar period in social sciences, public             health and social security. The definition of the proper mode of life as the core             of assimilative eugenics was produced by the Czech educators in the second             part of the 19  century within a broader debate about the Czech character and                         th             the  mission  of  nation-building.  Precisely,  that  cause-and-effect  relationship             between nationalism and a healthy mode of life, which determined the further             development of the Czech eugenics, has its roots in the late imperial period.                                                                       26","CHAPTER 2                          The Segregation of Disabled and Roma Children                        in the Czech Lands During the Interwar Period                          This text puts forwards argument that the development of special educa-                   tion for deviant and disabled children and the formation of practices aimed                   at controlling the Roma population echo those developed during the interwar                   period. The first part explores main contexts regarding the development of                   eugenics in the Czech lands and establishes a temporal framework needed for                   an understanding of the relationship between eugenics and child protection                   policy. The second part discusses how did eugenic ideas were applied in the                   system of correctional institutions for minors with delinquent behavior and                   mental disability. In the third part I examine the reform towards forced legiti-                   mization of nomad Roma people and pay special attention to the institutional-                   ization of Roma children. In the final part, I discuss the historical implications                   for such an investigation of the path dependence stipulating the segregation                   of Roma and disabled children in the Czech lands.                      The research explores discourses around Roma and disabled children in                   the context of practical eugenics. The main source were (1) the journal Úchylná                   mládež – the main periodical dealing with special education during the First                   Republic; (2) lectures and publications by the central figures of eugenics in the                   Czech lands; (3) public statements of politicians and articles published in pop-                   ular magazines and daily newspapers (e.g. Magazin Melantricha, Lidové noviny).                              EUGENICS: A MEASURE FOR BUILDING THE NATION                       In the Czech lands eugenics served ideals of nation building, while si-                   multaneously  reflecting  the  growing  importance  of  the  natural,  biological                   and medical sciences in society. While many leaders of national movement                   (T.G. Masaryk, F. Drtina) glorified the past and indicated the origin of the                   Czechoslovakian nation in the Hussite wars and the history of resistance to                   German enslavement, Franti�ek Čáda, one of the first Czech eugenicists did                   not accept a simplified version of national development and aimed instead                   to a systematic transformation of the national values (Cach 2000: 28). Čáda                   was interested in how public life and social sciences could work together,                                                                                            27","providing for “secure mechanisms which could influence the spontaneous de-             velopment of a child from proletarian family who needs more intense stimu-             lation because of the limited external resources (Čáda 1902: 25). He identified             the inappropriateness of many branches of psychology to solve this task either             because they were too theoretical or they were too close to the field of child             development, and thus rather reluctant to adopt new ideas. Eugenics seemed             a perfectly fit option in contrast to other theories which focused on driving             forces of physical and mental development and measures for its refinement.             Čáda's message – “Discover the ‘best self’ and improve the world around” –             determined the further development of eugenics in the Czech lands.                 Like in other CEE countries, in the Czech lands eugenics obtained  a wide                                                                             2             circulation within the process of building nation, providing a wide range of ar-             guments for legitimising strategies of social policy and public health (Turda and             Weindling 2007). Moreover, eugenicists univocally linked the negative conse-             quences of the WWI to poverty, devastation, and dislocation of social networks.             Eugenicists complained of moral decay and demographic crisis, and suggested             that “the essence of war required immediate actions” (Schneider 1925: 86).                 At the beginning of the 20  century, Czech eugenicists started to criticize                                         th             the state policy as insufficient for providing the health of the nation. In 1909             the child reformer Franti�ek Čáda greeted the participants of the first congress             of special educators  arguing that the increased deviant social behaviour is                                1             a direct outcome of the ill-conceived state policy alienating the young genera-             tion from religion and morality: “We need to recognise [the need] to unite var-“We need to recognise [the need] to unite var-             ious issues regarding education into a holistic approach to the child question”                 One of the most consistent examples of critique to the Imperial Austrian pol-             icy could be found in a paper by Adrian Tůma. He emphasised the crucial role             of decentralization in special education in the 1010s because of the systematic             lack of financial support: “special education was left to itself” (Tůma, 1920: 7).                 During the 1930s eugenics developed within debates on German racial             hygiene – the Czech scholars maintained a united front against determining             physical and mental health by the belonging to a particular race. In the pop-In the pop-             ular 1934 tract Rasismus hrozí kultuře (Rasism utters threats to culture) Josef             Mejsner wrote that Czechoslovak eugenics did not emulate German ideals             of racial superiority – race was associated with a particular type of physical             constitution than ethnicity (Mejsner 1934: 50). Undoubtedly, the rejection of             German-style racial hygiene echoed the common anti-German movement in              2	  Between	 1909-1913	 three	 Czech	 congresses	 of	 special	 educationwere	 organised	 by	 Čada	 in	 order	 to                 establish	the	national	agenda	od	education	for	children	“with	mental	retardation	and	delinquent	behaviour”.                 All	three	(the	first,	in	Prague,	1909;	the	second,	in	Brno,	1911;	and	the	last	in	Ostrava,	1913)	had	attracted	the                 public	attention	and	connected	the	aim	of	special	education	with	the	building	of	the	nation..               28","the Czech lands. The critique of Racial Hygiene focused on rejecting the supe-                   riority of German race, as the Czech scholars considered that the direct con-                   nection of racial hygiene and the ideology of the National Socialist Party did                   not help the cause of eugenics (ibid: 10). German racial hygiene was opposed                   to progressive American and French practices of applying eugenics to society.                   Placing Czech eugenics in opposition to the “inhuman fascist ideology”, be-                   came ultimately a hindering factor for those reflecting on the impact of eugen-                   ics on social segregation, regardless of the Nazi policies.                      Main discussions around the health nation and its factors touched on he-                   redity, external driving forces, and resonated with the development of eugen-                   ics in other countries. Already in the late 1910s, two main theoretical camps                   emerged: selective and assimilative eugenics. Those representing the former,                   such as Arthur Brožek, Břetislav Foustka, and Josef Mejsner centered on ge-Mejsner centered on ge-centered on ge-                   netic capital and developed the selective eugenics. They worked out a pro-pro-                   gramme of preventive measures aimed to improve the health of the nation.                   The most consistent performance of this school of thought can be found in the                   texts by Stanislav Ružička, especially his detailed plan of applying assimila-                   tive eugenics (or as he called it, eubiotics) to such issues as correctional educa-                   tion and the assimilation of Roma people.                      Selective eugenics encouraged measures targeting vulnerable groups ac- measures targeting vulnerable groups ac-measures targeting vulnerable groups ac- targeting vulnerable groups ac-targeting vulnerable groups ac- vulnerable groups ac-                   cording to the rule of “survival of the fittest”: to protect one's self through                   natural selection is typical of humanity cleaning itself from those who did not                   have good health and internal resources to fight against bad environmental                   factors (Brožek 1922: 86). The negative infl uence of environment was coin-žek 1922: 86). The negative infl uence of environment was coin-). The negative influence of environment was coin-                   cided with the congenital defects into the joint predictor of the negative path-                   way of development: “we cannot forget that only those who are short in the                   resistance to the negative external influence because of their congenital defor-                   mity totally fall” (ibid: 86). The systematic encouragement of working women,                   the introduction of social benefits, and other forms of social protection were                   seen by assimilative eugenicists as inappropriate to the natural mode of life,                   which was identified as only one relevant to human need (Ružička 1933).                      Czech selective eugenicists relied on American and British studies. They                   shared the direct connection between race and social class typical of the Ang-                   lo-Saxon model of eugenics (Stone 2001), and thus highlighted the inheritance                   of pauperism (Meisner, Štampach). This group of scholars provided detailed                   arguments in favour of the inheritance of moral qualities, both positive and                   negative. In connection to this position, the scholars expanded the notion of                   “low-value” people to include people addicted to alcohol; those in conflict                   with the law; individuals who were disabled either physically or psychologi-                   cally; and those, practicing immoral behaviour (Meisner 1939).                                                                                           29","The view that was an act of humanistic treatment for the ‘low-valued' peo-             ple was also adopted from the writings of British and American eugenicists             (ibid). As he opposed the Nuremberg laws, Meisner indicated instead two al-             ternatives for solving the issue of low-value people “whose reproduction is             asocial” in what he described as a ‘humanistic manner’, namely isolation from             society (placement into institutions) and sterilization” (Mesiner 1934: 61–62).             Allowing a disabled person to live among intact people without a threat to the             national health, sterilization seemed more preferable, according to Meisner             (ibid: 63). Introducing the special permission for marriage became the main             achievement of this group of eugenicists, especially in terms of institutionalis-             ing eugenics through establishing the network of marital counseling centres.                 Concentrating  on  the  preliminary/introductory  measures,  assimilative             eugenics highlighted the improvement of the environment and living condi-             tions, as key determinants of the national health. Decreasing infant mortality             and increasing the birth rate, together with measures to protect mothers and             children were placed the centre of the strategy presented by this group of eu-             genicists (Křízenecký 1922: 24). These new measures ran against those intro-Křízenecký 1922: 24). These new measures ran against those intro-24). These new measures ran against those intro-             duced during the late Imperial period when, according to the Czech scholars,             social services focused on the illegitimate children and neglected the needs of             mothers and infants (ibid 27–29). Supporters of assimilative eugenics affili-             ated themselves with the French school of eugenics and puériculture, particu-             larly in the context of explaining and correcting deviant behavior: “The French             conception significantly influenced Czech pedagogy because of its wide inter-             disciplinary explanation of delinquent behavior undervalued neither internal             not external factors” (Chlup 1935: 20). The connection with French eugenics             is important. Moreover, the Czech scholars extensively referenced the work of             French psychiatrists, among them Ernest Dupré and George Heyuer.                 Stanislav Růžička (1872–1946), one of the most outspoken Czech eugeni- (1872–1946), one of the most outspoken Czech eugeni-, one of the most outspoken Czech eugeni-outspoken Czech eugeni-             cist belonging to this group, introduced the concept of eubiotika or dobrožilství             (eubiothics). It as based on two interrelated assumptions: (1) diseases were the             result of inappropriate life style; (2) the improvement of the quality of life was             indispensable for the health of nation (Ružička 1933: 8). Eubiothics was de-             scribed as “eugenics' younger sister” (ibid). Reducing the number of diseases             was accepted as a factor of increasing duration of working age and saving             human resources. In line with the general trend, prompting a growing impor-             tance fo the medical profession in the nation's public life, tuberculosis, sexu-             ally transmitted diseases, and alcoholism were described “vampires”, contrib-             uting to degeneration together with the destruction of traditional life due to             urbanization (ibid). Ružička thus proclaimed the special mission of the Slavic             people “who were more disposed toward nature than any other people”.               30","A healthy life was described the essential condition for the nation's re-                   newal (Šima 1934). Any deviation from what was described as ‘normal life'                   was labeled in turn ‘unnatural', ‘amoral', and ‘irresponsible'. The direct re-                   lationship between the life style of the population and the health of nation                   substantiated the vision of disease as public health danger, requiring the spe-                   cial intervention of state and society. The contemporary view on eubiothics                   remains quite positive despite the radical position of its adherers towards                   traditional medicine (Vojtko 2011).                      In Czechoslovakia, assimilative or positive eugenics was more success-                   ful than selective or negative eugenics, and was better equipped to provide                   the grounds for a new social policy. Assimilative eugenics was the driving                   force of social policy in Czechoslovakia during the late 1920s and early 1930s.                   Insisting on the improvement of the environment, assimilative eugenics em-                   phasized the role of reeducation. It became a national motto: “today reeduca-                   tion is the key slogan: in schools, media, political and civil movements. [W]                   hat is more important, the President (Masaryk – the first President of the                   Czechoslovakia, V.S) [himself] has declared the importance of reeducation”                   (Janaček 1929). The ideals of assimilative eugenics also coincided with reli-Janaček 1929). The ideals of assimilative eugenics also coincided with reli-). The ideals of assimilative eugenics also coincided with reli-                   gious values, and the focus on transforming the life style of the population                   predisposed scholars to abandon some of their positivist positions, and start                   to interpret the factors of heredity partially in relation to vitalism. In his intro-                   ductory lecture to special educators, Karel Herfort (1925)—soon however to                   become a supporter of selective eugenics—criticised the Mendelian concept                   of heredity, describing it as over-mechanistic and insufficient for explaining                   individual differences. He also argued that these differences were casued                   not by exceptionally genetic factors but by patterns of social behaviour re-                   produced from generation to generation. Without completing rejecting the                   impact of genetics, assimilative eugenicists concentrated on external factors                   and the willingness of the population to implement a “normal” mode of life.                      In the mid-1930s, assimilative eugenics achieved political importance, as                   were the debates about the draft of a sterilization law (Šimúnek 2012). The                   most influential medical and Legal experts doubted that selective eugenics                   can provide better social control: “sterilization would not make a better social                   person; on the contrary, the consequences of sterilization are unpredictable                   and out of possible control” (Sonka 1938: 35).                      To what extent did the focus on external non-inheritable factors contributed                   to the change of Czech eugenics towards a humanistic stance? Did the practical                   implications become less selective? When one investigates the special educa-                   tion for children with disability and asocial behaviour the answer is negative.                                                                                           31","EUGENICS IN ACTION: CARE AND CONTROL                  Highlighting the impact of future generations for the nation, Czech eu-             genics played a key role in developing new procedures and criteria of child             protection. Legal regulations, institutions, services as well as training and re-             training of professionals was directly influenced by eugenics. After the WWI,             Czechoslovakia faced the challenge to provide the needs of abandoned chil-             dren. Many of them begged, were involved into criminal groups, suffered             from and spread contagious diseases. The system of detecting neglected and             abused children was established as a primary response to this challenge. In             1919, the Prague police established the special department of social protection             for underage citizens aimed at primary placing street children; cooperating             with mainstream school in order to monitor children from vulnerable families             and provide regular attendance of school; protecting children from violence.             The departments of care for minors (okresní péče o mládež) were re-organised in             1921 in all regions. In 1929, these departments were obliged to cooperate with             other professional services in their regions primarily with counselling centres             established by the Czechoslovak Society of eugenics.                 In 1925, the Society initiated a survey among the main schools where? In             Prague? in order to gather data regarding the students who needed consistent             monitoring and special encouragement (Schneider 1925). The survey pointed             out the insufficiency of measures provided by schools towards encouraging             parental control for children at risk. Moreover, the survey voiced the concern             that mainstream schools were not equipped for coping with such issues. The             survey's outcomes became one of theoretical arguments in favour of reform-             ing the system of special institutions for children. One of practical implica-             tions of the survey was the creation of a list of minors who needed special             treatment. 650 minors were placed into the residential care in Prague?, and             after five years the eugenicists evaluated their progress.                 The outcomes of the next survey combined selective and assimilative eu-             genics into the coherent range of practices regarding disabled and Roma chil-             dren. While the majority of pupils who had been placed into institutions were             ‘corrected' and began a ‘normal' life: getting a job, marriage, acquiring a par-             ticular status in community, those who were physically and mentally disa-             bled remained incorrigible (ibid). This survey influenced the further develop-             ment of special education for disabled and Roma children in Czechoslovakia.             Three main interconnected assumptions dominated the common approach to             educating deviant children: a) the close connection between physical/mental             disability and deviant behaviour; b) the incapability of parent of delinquent                32","children to provide care and control; and c) the indispensable role of institu-                   tions and professionals in the process of re-educating young delinquents.                      During the 1920s, the notion of the “morally defective child” (mravně vadné                   dítě) was used by both negative and positive eugenics, particularly with re-                   spect to the self-consistent explanation regarding the correction of underage                   children with deviant behavior and the assimilation of Roma children. On the                   theoretical level, the options for juxtaposing both domains of eugenics became                   the focus of debates in the 1930s when one of the most visible experts in patho-                   pedology Otokar Chlup (1875–1965) wrote a set of articles, connecting the the-                   ory of child development with the practice of child protection. He argued the                   necessity to work with a number of factors, and introduced into theory and                   practice the focus on social factors: “the most recent studies of delinquency                   have persuaded [me to consider] the necessity to classify the factors of deviant                   behavior according to the impact of family, environment, economical circum-                   stances, and refine individual approach to delinquent youth and transforms                   the grounds of assessment” (Chlup 1935: 22). Chlup shared ideas of selec-                   tive eugenics in theory but he suggested only a limited practical application:                   “educating children with any type of delinquency should be the opposite of                   pessimistic fatalism” (ibid: 24). In practice, pedagogues combined assimilative                   and selective eugenics into the system of assessment and intervention.                      Practitioners started to apply both domains of eugenics in the mid-1920s.                   Jan Cenek, the principal of a boarding school for delinquent children in Valticí                   metaphorically compared a child's soul with iron covered by wax: “who is                   able to judge how far does wax penetrate iron, and where does impregnable                   iron start?'' (Cenek 1924: 28). The depth of “wax”, as the transformable part of                   personality, would become the main criterion for planning intervention, but                   its measuring required more data regarding family history. Thus, the main re-                   quest to child protection services was to obtain as much as possible data about                   the previous generations (ibid).                      The educators in residential care institutions started to elaborate various                   typologies  of  delinquency  underpinning  the  distinction  between  inherited                   and acquired deviance. Classifying children into groups according to this clas-                   sification prompted practitioners to explain abnormal behavior through eu-                   genics. They placed “the secondary nature of personality” as the core element                   of intervention (Kedrutek 1930: 35) – and despite the origin of delinquency,                   pedagogues should indicate the most accessible way to realise habits, then                   train positive and oppress negative (ibid 37).                      According to the new Law of Juvenile Justice (O trestním soudnictví nad                   mládeží No 148) introduced in 1931, young offenders were divided into two                                                                                            33","main categories: 1) those needing educational treatment ether in their own or             substitute family, or for a short period of time in a special institution, and 2)             those who needed to be placed into special institution for a long period in             order to treat them therapeutically. Young delinquency was described as a dis-             ease required systematic medical intervention. In the late 1920s, professionals             started to apply the notion of “defective youth” (úchylná mládež).                 Combining physical, mental and moral defects became the starting point             of one of largest survey among children placed into correctional institution             conducted by Josef Meisner —a notorious supporter of selective eugenics – in             1938–1939. He matched the outcomes of his survey with two previous ones,             which applied a similar methodology but to different samples: normal healthy             children from mainstream schools and mentally disabled children from spe-             cial institutions. Despite the dissatisfaction with the sample of normal chil-             dren (the sample consisted of children from low middle class families and,             according to Meisner, they did not reflect the best performance of the Czecho-             slovakian people), the author concluded that both delinquent and disabled             children demonstrated much worse physical development than ‘normal' chil-             dren. Smaller sizes of heads, less weight and height were taken as testimo-             nies of retardation of the child's physical and psychological development. The             assessment of mental development deepened the difference between normal             children on the one side and delinquent/disabled on other.                 One of the targets of numerous surveys conducted in correctional institu-             tions was to demonstrate the incapability of parents to provide care and moral             education for their delinquent children. The dichotomy care institution versus             hopeless family was constructed in two main directions focusing on immoral             behaviour of parents as a double source of the further immorality of children:             children inherited bad behavioural patterns from their parents, and parents             brought up children not to have respect for morality. Thus, Meisner provided             statistical data to show the correlation between the degree of delinquency and             the profile of asocial behaviour of parents. He explained the fact that illegal chil-             dren committed crime more often than minors who were born in legal marriages             and that by sexual relationships outside marriage was typical only of immoral             people. Despite being short of data regarding the social origin of previous gen-             erations, Meisner highlighted the decline of the human capital from generation             to generation in the families of delinquent children: moral degradation of well-             educated fathers, who exchanged normal life for vagrancy and crime; the crime             career of siblings as well as the increase of disability in families (Meisner 1939).                 Karl Stejskal (1925), for instance, argued in favour of institutionalisation             against family care and suggested that the abnormality of child was the result             of the incapability of mother to provide sufficient care: “the child in his lack               34","of will is akin to his mother who is incapable to obtain elementary norms of                   hygiene”(Stejskal 1925: 158). He introduced the concept slaboduché dítě (spiritu-                   ally weak child) for describing children with multiple disabilities and bad pat-describing children with multiple disabilities and bad pat-                   terns of behavior instead of using the previously applied slabomyslné dítě (feeble-                   minded child). The 1929 survey by J. Jeneček was based upon the exploration of                   letters written by parents and minors placed in correctional institutions to each                   other. He demonstrated the shadow side of motherly love and the intention                   of many mothers to cover for their children as well as be rid of guilt feelings.                   Jeneček also described as indifferent and selfish those mothers who were very                   formal in the letters to their children. He concluded that mothers of delinquent                   children revealed two types of attitudes towards their children: blind love with-                   out any resource for moral re-education of the child or total negligence.                      In the early 1930s, the task to develop an individual approach was trans-                   formed by the choice of the system of special institutions in order to establish                   the appropriate institutional framework needed to refine practices for devi-                   ant children. According to Josef Blobil, “age, the degree of deviance, physical                   abilities, other abilities, planning further education and job defined the choice                   of institution” (Blobil 1930: 98). This taxonomy of children' profiles according                   to relevant institution consisted of eight types, ranging from the neglected                   to the irredeemable child. Minors with common psychosocial profile should                   be placed into the same institution because there was matching between the                   profile of the child and the strategy of treatment. Expanding residential care                   units in the 1930s coincided with the reforms in the system of decision-making                   related to the placement of children. This connection heightened the role of                   eugenics and of eugenic procedures for assessing the mental state and predict-                   ing the development of the child.                      Residential care was not among the types of placements considered for                   disabled children. Additionally, medical experts discussed the economic costs                   needed to assimilate people with mental and physical disabilities (Křízenský                   1917). The main organizational alternative was the system of family settle-                   ments in rural areas. Childless couples could be recruited for providing care                   for  disabled  and  delinquent  children,  and  rural  areas  were  considered  to                   be the most appropriate space for social integration (Tůma 1920: 6). In line                   with this approach, the placement into residential care setting was a last re-                   sort measure appropriate only for children with extremely narrowed range                   of abilities (ibid). In 1929 Franti�ek Kříž wrote: “feebleminded youth is not                   able to produce anything but it should be able to do something, and our task                   is to build the system of residential care focused on relevant vocational train-                   ing while other more complicated types of jobs would be the task of healthy                   people” (Kříž 1929: 9).                                                                                           35","The continuity between residential care for underage and for adult dis-             abled people became a central point of discussions in the 1930. A principal             of one boarding school, for example, expressed his worries about the gradu-             ates of his schools, asking: “Could we leave one helpless in the boat without             paddles, take back our protecting hand and lay down our control?” (Multrus             1933: 6). The lack of continuity between residential care and the uncontrolled             life after the graduation was attributed to the inappropriate choice of voca-             tional training and systematic gaps of competencies among trainers within             the system of professional education: “the most frequent reason why young             graduates escaped where? and committed crimes was the unmatched job they             chose […] There are some pupils who demonstrate enough will to cope with             such jobs, but we could not expect good performance from the majority of mi-             nors who were under special care” (Čermak 1931: 228). The main measure for             solving this problem seemed to be a more refined assessment of abilities and             aptitudes, as well as the option to continue placing in residential care those             young people who lacked of self-regulation (ibid: 229). Some medical practi-             tioners argued for the compulsory attendance of such institution, especially             for the young people with multiple disorders (Multrus 1933). The system of             vocational counseling for delinquent and disabled evolved under the direct             influence of eugenics: not only were intelligence tests used for assessing abili-             ties and aptitudes but the family background, its social capital and status were             also considered (Zikmund 1935: 76).                 The history of eugenics in the Czech lands can be explored in connection to             the history of state intervention and regulation of health care for children with             disabilities and delinquents. Gradually, eugenicists built a system of institutions             aimed at providing care and control of defective people “whose ability to live             independently was far below the norm” (Schneider 1930). They constructed the             concept of delinquency as double-natured, created by both bad inheritance and             bad environment. This, in turn, substantiated the extensive development of             residential care for “special” children as a main response to the incapability of             families to care for them. Eugenics delineated the alleged threat posed by anti-             social behavior in the name of legitimizing itself, but later the same framework             was applied to legitimizing the segregation of the Roma people.                                    ASSIMILATE NOT SEGREGATE:                           THE POLICY TOWARDS THE ROMA PEOPLE                  After  WWI  and  the  creation  of  Czechoslovakia,  the  migration  of  the             Roma people to urban areas (mostly in cross-border regions and Moravia)             increased, mainly because of poverty in rural areas where the Roma people               36","lived before the war. This led to hard measures against the Roma people                   issued in the late 1920s, but also generated interest from various political                   groups. The Roma question became a political topic dividing voters during                   the period of political instability.                      The experts' opinion reinforced the general intention and provided addi-                   tional arguments in favour of tough strategy regarding the monitoring under                   Roma people. Comparing the number of crimes committed by various ethnic                   groups commanded the introduction of special instruments for controlling:                   “Gypsies are professional villains. Despite their small number behind bars,                   they are more than 66 times than others committed crimes regard to male                   population. Not surprisingly, that the Gypsy question irritates us and its solu-                   tion requires the most radical measures” (Jeneček 1927: 230).                      At the end of 1926, several members of the Agrarian Party wanted «to solve                   the Roma issue without delay». The Czechoslovak Parliament, in turn, tasked                   the Ministry of internal affairs to prepare the draft of the law that would regu-                   late the migration of the Roma people and establish efficient mechanism of                   monitoring them. The recent Bavarian law Gesetz zur Bekämpfung von “Zigeun�                   ern”, Landfahrern und Arbeitsscheuen (1926) (Engbring-Romang 2001) and the                   set of French laws introducing rules for Roma people in 1912 were taken as the                   sample for the planned legal act. In July 1927, after two weeks of debates, the                   Law No 117 O potulných cikánech a jiných podobných tulácích (On the fight                   against Gypsies, vagabonds and those unwilling to work) was passed in Parliament.                      Scholars consider the law No 117 as the toughest compared to similar le-                   gal norms in other European countries (Nečas 1991). It certainly offered the                   legal framework for the segregation of the Roma people in the Czech lands                   over time (Lhotka 2009). The Law introduced the compulsory identification                   for the Roma people based on fingerprinting and completing a special record                   form contained detailed information about relatives and previous places of                   temporal and permanent living. All these measures were considered to be pre-                   conditions for implementing the regular monitoring of the Roma population.                   If during the monitoring procedures police would find the absence of legiti-                   mate status, the given person would lose some of its civil rights: freedom of                   association, the right to housing, the right to labour, etc. In the case of the gross                   violation of the Law, the Roma people could be punished with the confiscation                   of their property and the revocation of their professional license (the Roma                   people needed to get a special license for performing three occupations acces-                   sible for them: musician, blacksmith, and old-clothes dealer).                      Being in consistent opposition to the Agrarian Party, the Communist Party                   decried the Law for its arbitrariness in the intention to monitor the life of mi-                   nority: “We do not accept that one ethnos/ethnic group has put the other under police                                                                                           37","control, from the moment of birth until death. We know that most oppressed people             are innocent and not responsible for the crimes committed by the asocial minority […]             We definitely do not accept that the rest of vagrant people would be considered as filth,             and that due to their dark skin they would be stripped of their rights belonging to any             person according to our Constitution” (Rudé právo 1927). Supporters of the law             defined assimilation as a process leading to the de-legitimisation of vagrancy             because of the threat it posed to the ‘normal' way of life.                 In 1928, various ministries and departments worked out additional regula- 1928, various ministries and departments worked out additional regula-various ministries and departments worked out additional regula- ministries and departments worked out additional regula-ministries and departments worked out additional regula- and departments worked out additional regula-and departmen             tions for to the new Law and handbooks regarding its implementation. The             Addition to the Law 117 About labour camps and enforced labour (1928) was is-             sued in order to establish procedures for punishing the Roma people who             were found as residing illegally in the country. In contrast to the French laws             which did not mention explicitly the Roma people, the Czechoslovakian law             mentioned them. However, in practice the law applied to any person who was             identified as vagrant. This practice coincided with growing racialization of             Czech eugenics, and the term “cikán” (Gypsy) started to become a synonym             for “vagrant”, “thief”, “criminal” (Nečas 1991).                 The paragraph 12 of the Law No 117 regulated the termination of parental             rights of the Roma people who did not have a legal status, and allowed for fur-             ther placement of their children under care. Children under 14 of the parents             without legal status should be removed from family, and parents' rights would             be annulled, without any options for them to appeal against this decision. Insti-             tutions enjoyed the legal status of the guardian, and the child should stay there             until becoming an adult. The law also established the mission of residential             care: prepare the child for an independent life and inculcate into him/her moral             values and social norms. The state took upon itself the costs of child care.                 The reports of nurses from residential care units are the main testimony             regarding the application of these norms in practice. Such reports highlight             the precarious state of the children at the moment of accepting them into the             institution, as well as their rapid progress of assimilation and acceptance of             new social norms (Holub 1933). The evaluation of the child development at             the moment of arrival in the institution was connected to the inability of their             parents to provide sufficient care, and also in some cases to the backwardness             of children. After several months, the child showed progress in physical and             mental development. Practitioners used photos of children before and after ar-             rival, as an additional argument that residential care demonstrated the peda-             gogues' vision of normality. During their first photo, after having just arrived             in the institution, the children were described as unkempt, dressed in dirty             clothes, attached to their dogs, and avoiding people. After several months                 38","in the institution, children were seen in photos with their hair cut, and they                   looked as “normal as the European children”. Many pedagogues derived the                   notion of Roma family from popular stories, and did not engage in direct com-                   munication with parents; the practitioners provided the public image of Roma                   as people involved in domestic violence, promiscuity, involvement of children                   in crime activity (ibid).                      Placement into institutions remained the only one possible option for the                   Roma children: family foster caregivers rejected to accept the Roma child be-                   cause of fear of revenge from the parents. Simultaneously, the managers of                   residential units tried to avoid the acceptance of Roma children, as they feared                   that the Roma children could negatively influence other children (Zelenka                   1933). As a result, the Roma children were placed very rarely in institutions,                   while adolescents were placed in institutions for adults. The question of fur-                   ther placement of Roma children prompted the eugenicists to argue for the                   creation of special institutions or institutional subdivisions especially for the                   Roma children (Meisner 1939).                      The debates around the law during its consideration in Parliament, the                   final version of the law, and the practice of its application bear testimony that                   the main argument for dealing with the Roma people was to focus on their                   environment, defined as absolutely inappropriate to the way of life relevant                   to the task of saving the healthy nation. Nomadism, moreover, was viewed as                   the last argument in favour of imposing a restrictive strategy: “The obstacle                   between society and the Gypsies was aggravated by the vagrancy and their                   asocial behavior”, wrote Franti�ek Štampach (1895–1976), a key supporter of                   ideas of social control for the Roma people.                      Štampach conducted several surveys among the Roma people, including                   anthropological research in rural areas in the late 1920s. Describing in detail                   the way of life of nomad and settled Roma people, Štampach indicated for                   the natural inclination of the Roma people towards nomadism, as they had                   practiced it for many centuries. In addition to the anthropological analysis of                   the Roma life, Štampach focused on specific distinctions between the Roma                   and the non_Roma way of life (Štampach 1933). Main features of Roma ‘ab-                   normality' were attributed to the earlier age at which they started their sexual                   life; their totally different type of dressing and their daily schedule (ibid: 43).                   These descriptions were presented alongside those of ‘Negros'. Štampach in-                   cluded a pamphlet by the English eugenicist R.R. Rentoul who argued for the                   sterilization of Afro-Americans (Done 2001: 399). While the description did                   not comprise direct negative statements, all of arguments and comments were                   built into the whole picture of Roma backwardness. For instance, in terms                                                                                             39","of their physical appearance the Roma people, according to Štampach, were             “compatible with the lowest caste in India” (ibid: 15). Accepting the natural             inclination of the Roma people towards nomadism did not lessen Štampach's             critical attitude; on the contrary, he believed that nomadism was a contribut-             ing factor against assimilation.                 Štampach mentioned the imitating nature of Gypsy culture and indicated             a great deal of influences from Hungarian and Slovakian music and traditions             (ibid: 38). Simultaneously, he highlighted the extreme flexibility of the Roma             people regarding their religious identity and the readiness to adopt the reli-             gion of the majority among whom they lived without any further deepening             “into religious practices” (ibid). Štampach's research encouraged the conclu-             sion that the Roma people would not be able to practice culture and religion as             a source of moral norms and prescriptions to a normal behavior.                 Finally, Štampach validated the priority of the Western way of life in con-             trast to nomadism, seen as specific to primitive societies. The Roma people             who continued to practice such way of life were described as unproductive             and even more, as dangerous for the developing Czech democracy: “Roma             people could vote not for a suitable party or they could ask for social benefits             limited for non-Roma citizens” (ibid: 47). According Štampach, the Roma peo-             ple practiced a radical concept of freedom based upon the defiance of law and             authorities (ibid: 48). Later, Meisner went to even greater extremes and identi-(ibid: 48). Later, Meisner went to even greater extremes and identi-. Later, Meisner went to even greater extremes and identi-             fied nomadic way of life as a consequence of abnormal mental development             while the experience of nomadism was considered to be an inevitable factor in             aggravating inherited abnormality (Meisner 1939).                 The dispersal of the Roma people among non-Roma population was con-             sidered to be the key strategy of their assimilation: “separated from each oth-             er, Gypsies are not thieves, liars or cheats, but in groups they conform pre-             cisely to this profile of behaviour” (ibid: 48). According to Štampach, as soon             as a Gypsy child was placed into a normal environment assimilation could be             expected: “a well socialized, domiciled Gypsy would find easy options to inte-             grate into the non-Roma community” (ibid: 49). It is indicative that Štampach             discovered the close connection between the level of poverty among Roma             families and their difficulty to assimilate, and concluded that property quali-             fication must be taken into account during the planning of treatment (ibid).                 In line with the general significance of marriage for eugenics, Štampach             paid special attention to positive and negative outcomes form intermarriages             between Roma and non-Roma. Despite accepting that in some cases such mar-             riages resulted in gifted children, the author concluded with disappointment             that miscegenation operates more as a threat the social capital than a factor of                40","assimilation: the majority of children from mixed families preferred marriages                   to Roma partners and to rejoin the Roma community (ibid: 51).                      During the interwar period diverse actors (politicians, academic communi-                   ties, practitioners, and the general public) used a number of discourses centred                   on the “Roma question”: the particular life style of the Roma people was de-                   scribed as an important problem, and in connection to it strict social control                   was recommended. Playing out common prejudices about the Roma, eugenics                   played a significant role in creating an abusive discourse against them and                   substantiating the necessity of systematic control of their families and children.                                                  CONCLUSIONS                       Contrary to the fact that they had focused on external conditions as core                   factors determining the health of the nation, the Czech eugenics promoted                   radical policies of segregating Roma and disabled people. Working out the                   rigid notion of normal timing of daily routine and prescribing it the status of                   indispensable condition of a healthy life, assimilative eugenics viewed any                   deviation from the norm as a threat to the nation, and thus argued in favour of                   medical and social intervention.                      The  new  turn  of  eugenics  was  determined  by  practices  regarding  the                   delinquent and disabled children. While on the theoretical level the debates                   about  selective  and  assimilative  eugenics  polarised  the  eugenicists,  health                   care practitioners (teachers, helping professionals and so one) combined both                   versions into a composite interpretation of delinquency and disability. In the                   late 1930s, the previously two separate eugenic views, that is the assimilation                   of the Roma people and the special education for delinquent children, were                   brought together into a new approach towards treating the Roma children.                      This exploration of the current attitudes towards the Roma people has in-                   dicated the existence of two discourses: the discourse of the normal Czech and                   the discourse of the nationalism and xenophobia (Homolač 2009). While the                   Czech's open nationalism explains the ‘troubles with Roma people' by alleg-                   ing that their unchangeable patterns of behaviour were inherited, the view of                   the ‘normal Czechs' presupposes the expectation to fulfil certain social norms                   by the Roma people. In spite of the differences between these two discourses,                   both are actively preventing a collective reflection of the history of segrega-                   tion against the Roma people. Both discourses originate in the practices in-                   troduced during the First Republic. When it comes to describing delinquent                   youth and intervening in Roma families, contemporary helping professionals                   tend to reproduce ideas first put forward by the eugenicists including: the                                                                                            41","ambiguous nature of parental love; chaotic mode of life; dysfunctional child             development—these ideas continue to serve as arguments in favour of remov-             ing the children from their home, and placing them into residential settings.                                                                                  42","CHAPTER 3                            The Education for Disabled Children During                    the First Decades after the WWII in Czechoslovakia:                                 in the Game of Big-time Politics                         The contemporary issues regarding the education for disabled children in                   the Czech Rep., evident backlash against deinstitutionalisation and various                   barriers accompanying in the attempts to establish inclusive education, are                   often explained by the socialist and authoritarian background. Although, this                   statement remains a sort of cliché preventing one from the reflection of current                   policies and practices until the retrospective analysis of socialist legacy would                   develop the thick description related to the composition of driving forces im-                   pacting the formation of policies and practices around disabled children. This                   text aims to explore the role of early socialist period – through the comparative                   historical analysis targeted to indicating the continuities and discreteness in                   the policy around disabled children in 1945–1948 (the Third Republic) and the                   first decade of socialist regime. During these periods, the agenda regarding                   disabled children directly contracted big-time politics – being built to the con-                   cept of resilient nation  typical of the Third Republic (1945–1948) and becom-                                        3                   ing the arena of political struggle between socialist Ministries and civic move-                   ments against authorities (1948–1953). Recognising the actors of the policy                   related to special education, their aims, strategies and mutual contradictions                   maps the political capital and the role of various discourses in accumulating,                   mobilising and spending such capital by various actors. We presume that the                   professionalisation of care for disabled children and racing political capital of                   various actors were mutually interrelated, what directly impacted the forma-                   tion of helping professions linking them with eugenic discourse.                           3	  Laying	on	the	resilience	of	the	nation	is	an	inseparable	part	of	nationalist	movements,	especially	after	wars,                      social	and	natural	disasters,	contemporary	examples	like	the	movement	for	the	resilience	of	Americans                      after	 9/11	 or	 the	 culture	 of	 resiliance	 in	 the	 contemporary	 China	 after	 the	 earthquake	 in	 2013	 provide                      comprehensive	notion	regarding	the	power	of	the	concept	within	the	general	increase	of	the	meaning	of                      public	security.                                                                                           43","EDUCATION FOR ALL DISABLED AS A PART                              OF THE RESILIENCE OF THE NATION                  Following to the mission to revive the Golden age of the First Republic,             the Third Republic authorities attempted not only to renovate the previously             existed institutions for disabled children devastated during the Protectorate             but reinforce special education. The interwar special education covered chil-             dren who were accepted as educable, while children who were unable to learn             within the existing educational system remained beyond. Precisely, during the             first three years after the war the authorities made a desperate venture to in-             volve all disabled children into education. Prescribing the special mission to             education and health care, the nationalistic pathos put forward the role of “the             years of decay” and the aftermath of Nazi occupation: “according to the experi�             ence from the First World War, we should be prepared to unusual growth of psychi�             atric morbidity because war and postwar hardships got mental health down, and we             need to take into account that the generations born during the war and just after will             demand outstanding care” (Zemský národní výbor v Brn� 1946).                 The special role played the restitution of buildings used by Nazi during the             Protectorate. The directors of units situated in such buildings were obliged to             justify their request on funding the repair, and such claims usually practiced             the contrast of Nazi and Czech view on the care for people with disability.             Such rhetoric revived the typical of the late imperial period idea to prescribe             the main guilty to the German invasion and explain unhealthy patterns of             behavior extending amongst young people by the limited healthy influence:             “Mainly during the war the youth suffered because of the gap in school upbringing.             Education was neglected, short and broken due to flight bombings, but the core reason             for its worsening was the Germans' intervention. Children did not get the appropriate             care from parents…” (Krotilová 1945).                 Authorities as well as public opinion public prescribed the remedial effect             to the revival of the traditions established during the interwar practices. Rela-             tive to that, helping professionals started to be viewed as a vanguard of cop-             ing with the war trauma: “Educational professionals know better than others which             traces have the years of occupation left in physical, moral and spiritual conditions             of our youth. In many classes there are children those behavior disturbs educational             process. The main sources of such behavior, the neglect of parents, bad moral environ�             ment, shortcomings in care, negative patterns could not be overcome, and the child             would not grow up in full�fledged citizen – until the child would be immune from             the influence of the inappropriate space and get more attention and care exceptionally             provided by professionals “ (Zemská ústřední péče o mládež v Čechách. Výchovné             ústavy Zemského 1946 ).                44","Fixing in the Two-Year plan, the new agenda of health care, social protec-                   tion and education placed priority on children and youth as a future of the                   nation, but also proclaimed the assistance to disabled people as an obligation                   of mature nation towards those who needed not solace but meaningful existence                   in the name of the nation: “the care for people who are disabled either by origin or                   due to unhapiness is thankfully accepted already as matter�of�course thing not only                   because of humanism but the interests of national economy…weak hands can manipu�                   late when the clever and promt head manages them, and not enough developed brains                   would learn unifold functions when the hands are healthy and strong…our aim is to                   tame disabled people and their abilitites …exceptionally working the disabled person                   can get rid of inferioirity or in opposite case the disabled person can become asocial                   entity ”. (Obor pro ochranu du�evn� 1945).                      In their debates and plans, the Third Republic experts expanded the typi-                   cal of the late First Republic idea that the disabled child could be equipped to                   independent life only under the tactful guidance by professionals. For the chil-                   dren with inherited mostly mental handicap all functions normally relevant                   to parental care should be transferred to residential care: “in the majority of                   cases (children with inherited handicap – V.S.) the consistent upbringing and care                   can be organised only in boarding schools”(ibid.). The emphasis on professional                   care coincides with the intention to evaluate the impact of mental disability in                   the case of multiple disorder of development. For instance, the children who                   had sensory deprivation due to either visual or hearing impairment started                   to divided into those whose development was aggravated by mental retarda-                   tion and mentally normal. The idea of differentiating children according to                   their degree of mental development obtained the central position not only in                   professional talks but amongst the parents of children. Alongside, many par-                   ents demanded to provide the access for education for those children who re-                   mained out of the care. Two different but interrelated requirements from par-                   ents towards authorities determined the policy-making around the education                   for disabled children: to differentiate schools according to the degree of mental                   development of students and to ensure that all children with disability regard-                   less of the type and degree of retardation would get the access to the services.                                      EGALITARIANISM AGAINST ELITISM:                                    MULTILEVEL EDUCATION FOR ALL?                       Both professional and the activists of parental unions intended to differen-                   tiate institutions in order to cover by special education the children with dif-                   ferent degree of mental development from early childhood. In the beginning                                                                                            45","of 1947 the delegation of blind and visually impaired clients of the residential             setting Klára applied to the Prime Minister with the strong request to divide             all educational settings for visually impaired into three groups: the schools             with curriculum relevant to mainstream education (školni), vocational training             schools (remeslné) and social care settings (zaopatřovaci) (Ministerstvo �kolství             a osv�ty. 1947). Such division would be relevant to the different needs of blind             and visually impaired who could demonstrate different dynamic of mental             development. One of the reasons in favour of separating children with mental             disability from normally developed become the necessity to encourage the             trust of public to visually impaired who were gifted and normal: “children with             mental retardation not only brake the educational process, professor Fafl stressed             during the special meeting of the Board of the Ministry of Education and En-             lightenment, but they aggravate the distrust of the society to blind people”(ibid). The             quantity of institutions especially for those who had multiple disorders was             insufficient. Only one institution, in Opařany, the small town on the South,             could not provide care for all visually impaired children with mental disabil-             ity. Relevant to this issue, the Ministry of Education and Enlightenment made             a decision about establishing several institutions for visually impaired chil-             dren with mental disability in March, 1947. The division of education directly             affected the curriculum: children without mental retardation should get the             education compatible with mainstream school and supplemented by music             education, while children with mental disability would be trained according             to their capacities and the task to fit them to any type of vocational activity             (Ministersvo �kolství, informaci a osv�ta 1954).                 The professionals initiated very similar process for the children with hear-             ing impairment. The previous practice of accepting the children with different             degree of hearing impairment into the same institution started to describe as             a barrier against efficient teaching and vocational preparation. Firstly, the joint             education of stammering children with those who had hearing impairment             started to be criticised – the main concern was to ensure the intervention with             speech development relevant to the abilities of children which varied from             deaf children to children with speech disorders. The uniform scale for assess-             ing children with hearing impairment and speech disorders was published             in the central professional journal Paedologické rozhledy. The in-time relevant             diagnosis was viewed as an indispensable for indicating the risks of deviant             behavior amongst the children with hearing impairment. Intending to cover             children by special education as soon as possible, the experts highlighted the             negative impact of disability on mental development: “all children who were             born with disability are at risk of mental retardation what should be prevented from             the  very  beginning”  (Zemský  národní  výbor.  1948).  Previously  established               46","pre-school groups started to transform into kindergartens accepting children                   from three years old (ibid). Early placement aimed to assess children and test                   their abilities to learn. New educational settings for disabled children were                   established within largest health care facilities. Several new services for pre-                   school children with disabilities got the best buildings for their purposes: the                   central hospital of Prague accepted the offer of the city council to rebuild the                   pavilion by Charlie Masaryk into special day care centre for disabled children                   for preparing them to school ( Ministerstvo �kolství a osv�ty 1945). The pavil- Ministerstvo �kolství a osv�ty 1945). The pavil-). The pavil-                   ion was situated in the city, but surrounded by pine forest and garden.                      Differentiation  of  children  due  to  the  degree  of  mental  development                   launched the debates around the services for those who suffered from epi-                   lepsy. In the end of 1946 the Teaching Hospital of Neurological Diseases at                   Charles University (Klinika neurologická Karlové univerzity) took the lead                   in developing the services for children with epilepsy and normal mental de-                   velopment. The main argument in favour of new institutions was “deplorable                   destiny of those who either remains at home or has to spend time together                   with  mentally  retarded  children  without  sufficient  stimulation  of  develop-                   ment”( Ministerstvo zdravotnictví Zřízení ústavu 1946). Juxtaposing medical                   and pedagogical efforts became the grounds for assessment and remedial pro-                   grammes (Ministerstvo zdravotnictví 1946). The decision about establishing                   the special centre combining the functions of day care and boarding school                   was made by the Ministry of social affairs, but the Ministry of health took                   the responsibilities for its implementation. The main task was to indicate the                   appropriate building within the area of university campus. In total, the gov-                   ernment devoted 340,000 crowns for reconstructing and equipping the centre.                   The Ministry of Finance encouraged the planned budget in full (Ministerstvo                   financí 1947). Remarkably, that during the Third Republic period, the local                   authorities and their Communist wing attempted to accommodate obstetric                   services in the building passed for the children with epilepsy, the chief of the                   local authorities offered to send the Commission and check the possibilities                   to place maternity hospital (Zemské ustředí péče o mládež v Čechách 1947).                   Both Ministries, health and social affairs emphasised the inappropriateness of                   the building to the needs of mother and infants: “it is impossible to guaran-                   tee the sufficient level of preventive anti-epidemic measures, and the mothers                   would be separated from their children due to the internal arrangement in                   the building , we cannot provide such risk for the infant's health” (Minister-” (Minister-Minister-                              4                   stvo sociální péče v�c ústav ZUPM 1947 ). The issue of placing mothers and                      4	  Later,	during	the	first	decade	of	socialism	such	reasons	would	be	delegitimised,	vice	versa	the	separation	of                      mother	and	infants	was	seen	as	the	requirement	for	the	appropriate	care	for	children.                                                                                          47","children in early age was evolved into the two-month debates and discussed             several times on the area of central territorial Committee of child protection             of Prague. Various officials who participated in this case, Central Department             of Social Sare of Prague (Ústředni sociální úřad hlav, města Prahy), The Union of             the Protection of Women's Interests (Ochrana ženských zájmů), the Ministry of             social care demanded the Central Committee of child protection to renounce             the primary request of local authorities to place mothers and infants into the             unit in Velveslavin (Ministerstvo sociální péče Ústav ZÚPM 1947).                 Prescribing to itself the reputation of progress and humanism, the spe-             cial education was a source of national pride for the Czechoslovakian people             and state. Elitist approach conciliated utilitarian view on humans as the main             capital of the nation and sentimental rhetoric around future generations.. The             intention to divide disabled children according to their mental development             turned into indispensable part of the national mentality built on the coherent             opposition to German education during the Third Republic period and later to             the barbaric vision on the education for disabled children typical of the early             Communists' policy. Nevertheless, relaying on professionals and refi ned insti-, relaying on professionals and refi ned insti- relaying on professionals and refined insti-             tutionalisation, elitist strategy was irrelevant for solving the issue to place the             majority of disabled children whose parents were thrown upon their own re-were thrown upon their own re-             sources. In 1947 several regions reported that the parents of disabled children             asked local authorities to indicate the possibilities for their children either to             attend school or be placed into residential care unit: “Due to our employment             our children remain beyond monitoring, regular nutrition and required hy-             gienic procedures …they wander on streets and become victims of immoral             treatment ” (Okresní péče o mládež v Plzní 1947). One of the arguments in fa- (Okresní péče o mládež v Plzní 1947). One of the arguments in fa-Okresní péče o mládež v Plzní 1947). One of the arguments in fa-             vour of the parents' requirements was the obligations of mothers to stay with             their children against their duty to work: “mothers who need to pay all their             attention to the child could not operate as full unit of labour”. Parents asked             to establish the day care centre for their children and referenced to the unsuf-             ficiently small number of places acceptable for them in only one centre only             for boys operating since 1926 accepting not more than 17 boys after 14 and             teaching them simple types of works (Odbor pro ochranu du�evn� úchylných             1947). According to the parents, more than 200 disabled children needed in             placement, and the parnts of girls required the provision of such services for             girls since 1945 (Rodičovské sdružení 1945 ). But the decision about establih-Rodičovské sdružení 1945 ). But the decision about establih-). But the decision about establih-             ing centres was made only by late 1947.                 In some regions the need to place disabled children was so urgent that on             February, 26, 1947 at extraordinary meeting the key experts of the Ministry             of Education and Enlightenment (including Frantisek Štampach a key expert                48","of the Ministry of Education) discussed together with local authorities from                   Plzen, the fourth biggest city in the Czech part of the country, the options for                   placing children into all operated boarding schools in the region. The deci-                   sion should be made by special Board aimed at differentiating “children into                   those who would be able to bring up but not educable and educable”. But                   the necessity of immediate placement of disabled children contested with                   the elitist trend to differentiate disabled children according to their mental                   development. While the experts and some parents put forward the task of                   differentiation of disabled children according to the level of mental develop-                   ment, the rest of the parents and public required the undelayable placement                   of those who remained on streets and being beyond control remained a threat                   to public safety.                      In 1947 some regions offered to transform special schools (okresní pomocní                   školy) into boarding schools, and the Ministry of Social Care had accepted the                   initiation to open shelters and dormitories within already operating schools                   (Česká zemská péče o mládež 1947 ). The schools were obliged to estimate                   their expenses for one student according to the local prices. More than 12                   schools started to operate as residential care settings and additionaly accepted                   50–60 children. This practice became typical of the Selesian region in mining                   towns – due to the extremal level of poverty.                      Despite the obvious crisis in special education, the main task of mainstream                   schools was to indicate disabled children as soon as possible and place them                   into special schools. In-time assessment corresponded with both elitist and                   egalitarian strategies regarding the educational policy around disabled chil-                   dren, even the procedures were more coincided with large-scale approach to                   special education. The Ministry of Education and Enlightenment agreed with                   the Ministry of Health Care to oblige the physicians who were introduced into                   the staff of the mainstream schools since 1946 to provide primary assessment                   and delegate children to specialists in the case of indicating disability. Addi-                   tionally, physicians had to train pedagogues to assess children's sense of vi-                   sion and hearing based upon the special tables (Ministerstvo �kolství a osv�ty,                   1947). In 1947 the in-service training for teachers was introduced into schools                   in order to equip them by assessment toolkit.                      Although elitist and egalitarian approaches would be in potential conflict                   with each other in terms of the access to the sources, both relied upon the                   networks consisted of professionals and activists what made elitist and egali-                   tarian approaches mutually convenient. Such unusual coincidence inspired                   the diverse tactics of collaboration towards the compensation of chronically                   missing financial and material resources.                                                                                            49","NETWORKING VS. FINANCIAL DISASTER:                          THE MIRACLE OF COLLABORATIVE TACTICS                  Despite prescribing to specialists the role of the rescuers of the nation, the             education for disabled children practiced various tactics aimed at accumulat-             ing the efforts of civic activists and professionals. Obviously, the Third Re-             public period was exceptional in terms of cooperation between the Ministries,             never before and after the Ministry of Health and Ministry of Education op-             erated in such comprehensive alignment accompanied by the shared vision             on priorities. Mainly, this outstanding collaboration can be explained by the             necessity to confront with the crisis of executive power and increasing influ-             ence of the Communist Party. Both Ministries were led by the politicians from             the liberal and center-left parties who were interested in putting together their             efforts in contesting the incline of Communists' popularity amongst people .                                                                                   5                 Nevertheless benevolent intentions contradicted to limited resources – the             extent of the crisis in educational system including education for disabled             children demanded significant cash injections. Between 1945–1946 more than             half of institutions for disabled children appealed to either the Ministry of             Education or the Ministry of Health with the request to put up money for the             urgent repair due to the damage of flight bombing and other aftermaths of the             war. The Ministries processed the following scheme for communicating the             institutions: (1) the institution should account how much money do they need             and substantiate their claims; (2) in the case of accepting and registering the             request, the Ministry (in the major part of cases the Ministry of Health) would             ask to provide the data about institution's operation for last years (how many             children  were  educated,  types  of  training  and  other  educational  activities,             budgets and the source of financial supports during the Protectorate); (3) the             Ministry would ask the guarantees that after the repair the institution would             start to operate immediately and accept as much as possible children. The             typical example of applying this scheme in practice was the case of the shelter             for disabled children in Boleslav (Spolek pro vybudování a vydržování 1945).             Primarily, the institution got the third of demanded budget and used it for the             repair of internal arrangement, while the improvement of exterior remained             unsolved issue (Ministerstvu zdravotnictví odd. II/3.1945 ). The process of             repairing the damage extended to two years due to the irregular payments               5	  Both	 being	 lawyers,	 Jaroslav	 Stránský,	 the	 Minister	 of	 Education,	 representative	 of	 National	 Social                 Party	and	Adolf	Procházka	Minister	Health,	representative	of	People‘s	Party,	were	in	aliens	against	the                 communist	party	generally	and	the	pro-Communist	Ministry	of	Social	Affairs	particularly.	Ovseiko	Pavel                 2008	The Politics of Health Care Reform in Central and Eastern Europe: the case of the Czech Republic D.Phil                 Thesis;	Yaki	Ieva	(2009)	(Ed.) Anti-Communist Minorities in the U.S.: Political Activism of Ethnic Refugees                 Palgrave	Macmillan	p.115               50","smaller than planned and not sufficient for completing the task. The institu-                   tion started to operate only in 1948 (Ministerstvu zdravotnictví 1946 ).                      Not only material, but human resources also required the systematic in-                   tervention. Some regions allocated funds for training nurses – in Prague and                   Brno young women from vulnerable environment (orphans, poor families)                   got a fellowship for learning at the school of care for mothers and children                   (�kola péče o matky a d�ti). Such approach was viewed as solving two is-�kola péče o matky a d�ti). Such approach was viewed as solving two is-                   sues: supplement human resources and prevent asocial career amongst young                   women at risk (Ministerstvo zdravotnictví 1945 ).                      Alongside, precisely such communication between local authorities and                   central departments became a driving force setting the culture of self-gov-                   ernment typical of the special education in Czechoslovakia. One of the main                   features of this culture was the closest cooperation of the staff and parents.                   Starting during the Protectorate, the active participation of parents in school                   life flourished during the Third Republic Period. Established by the special                   decree of the Ministry of Education, the number 54–840, issued in May, 1939,                   parental units especially in special education took responsibilities for social                   provision and keeping the process of education “in action”. In 1944 Franti�ek                   Štampach  highlighted  the  indispensable  role  of  parents  in  ensuring  social                   well-being and health care for children(Štampach 1944 ). Parents were those                   who mediated the contact with churches, abbeys, charity foundations in order                   to transfer boarding schools and day care centres due to the expropriation of                   buildings by Nazi; parents volunteered as nurses and teachers; they gather                   money and kept the system transparent and open as well. The last year of                   German occupation was extremely hard due to flight bombings and general                   worsening of economic situation, but parents' participation was “a few force                   towards  coping  with  disastrous  circumstances”  (Melkusová  1948).  During                   the Third Republic, parents initiated various reforms and participated in the                   renovation of buildings. Their activity coincided with the general increase of                   citizen participation reflecting the ideal of the resilient nation.                      By the Communist coup in February 1948, various inconsistencies between                   intentions and resources permeated the situation around the education for                   disabled children. After the communist upheaval of political elites including                   the changes in the Ministries responsible for the disabled children, these con-                   tradictions were significantly aggravated and transformed into the conflicts                   of interest of different branches of executive power as well as the struggle                   between authorities and civic activists.                                                                                                51","EARLY SOCIALIST PERIOD: RACING FOR POLITICAL CAPITAL                  The first decade of socialism was distinguished by increasing the conflict             of interest around disabled children and services for them. While the task to             cover all children by education and care remained, the Ministries tried to shift             these obligations on others. Partially, this conflict was built into the process             of redistributing the resources between the Ministries. While the Ministry of             Health become responsible for the care provided on a non-repayable basis             for working people, the Ministry of Social Protection and Labour remained             responsible for the rest of assistance. Only curable children could get the as-             sistance free of charge as well as be placed into institutions under the Ministry             of Health. The rest should be transferred to the settings under the Ministry of             Education and Ministry of Social Affairs and Labour. In 1951 the Ministry of             Social Protection and Labour was transformed to the Ministry of Labour, due             to “the unnecessariness of social protection for the socialist society”, and in             1957 it was dismissed until 1968 when it was reestablished.                 Undoubtedly, other tasks possessed the public attention as well as the pri-             orities of politicians and professionals – who were interested in enriching their             influence and political capital. Thus, the Ministry of Health under command             by Josef Plojhar  focused its efforts on developing obstetric services  and direct-                                                                          7                           6             ly deprived the care for disabled children reallocating the material resources             previously belonging to special education system. Finishing by the issue of the             Law about preventive and health care (Zákon č.103/1951 Sb., O preventivní             a léčební péči), the mass campaign in favour of refining obstetric services put             forward the mission to increase the number of maternity hospitals and other             relevant settings for mothers and infants. Minimasing infant mortality as well             as maximising birth rate became a main priority for the Ministry of Health             for first years of socialism (Projev ministra… 1952). The Ministry was ready             to hurl all effort into implementing this mission, but the resources especially             material were limited.               6	  Josef	Plojhar,	irreplaceable	Minister	of	health	care	for	20	years	(1948–1968),	was	an	example	of	unique                 politician	able	to	combine	various	strategies	of	reinforcing	his	political	capital:	having	questionable	past                 as	a	former	priest,	he	was	able	to	advance	his	career	in	Communist	Party	and	had	a	permanent	need	to                 reinforce	his	political	image	and	symbolic	capital.	According	to	the	Western	experts,	he	operated	as	an                 agent	and	implemented	special	missions	in	Austria	and	Germany	during	his	official	visits,	but	undoubtedly,                 focusing	on	obstetric	services	and	health	of	mothers	and	children,	Plojhar	achieved	most	visible	results	in                 improving	the	image	of	his	Ministry	and	himself	also.             7	  The	 development	 of	 obstetric	 services	 was	 one	 of	 three	 priorities	 amongst	 preventive	 anti-epidemic                 measures	 and	 institutionalization	 of	 occupational	 health,	 but	 precisely	 obstetric	 services	 became	 the                 great	success	of	the	Czechoslovakian	health	care	system	and	personally	the	Minister	Plojhar.	Accepted                 by	WHO,	the	Czechoslovakian	model	of	obstetric	services	was	recommended	to	developing	countries	in                 the	early	1960s,	and	the	Czechoslovakian	experts	were	appointed	by	international	organisations	in	favour                 of	disseminating	good	practices.	Projev	ministra	zdravotnictví	dr.	J.	Plojhara	na	konferenci	zdravotnických                 pracovníků	dne	6.III.	1952	Časopis českých lékařů 1952	4.14	s.409–410;	Ovsejko,	ibid	p.	188               52","The urgent requirement to increase the number of settings, their patient                   capacity  and  generally  improve  hygienic  and  sanitary  conditions  disposed                   the Ministry to look at the well-equipped and renovated buildings of special                   schools situated in the best localities  as more suitable for the purposes of pro-                                                    8                   viding care for the future healthy generations than disabled children. Aimed                   at transforming special boarding schools and other institutions for disabled                   into maternity hospitals, the long-term campaign presented itself as the fur-                   ther stage of differentiation of the care for disabled children started during the                   Third Republic period. The main idea of campaign was to transfer the settings                   for disabled children to the surrounding countryside and rearrange former                   settings for the purposes of mother and child health. For instance, in 1951 the                   Ministry made decision about the move of the 1000 m  square boarding school                                                                    2                   for deaf and hard of hearing children from the centre of Hradec Kralov, into the                   sanatorium К Dr. Kutíka Hořičky u České Skalice (Úřad předsednictva vlády                   1951), one of backcountry locations where many other schools and settings for                   disabled children should be transferred.                      Clearly, that contrasting their policy to the previous “backward” approach                   of the Third Republic, the Ministry of Health worked in favour of its legitimis-                   ing towards the Communist Party – but not of the rest of professionals and                   other stakeholders of special education: parents and unions of disabled. In or-                   der to substantiate their actions, the authorities applied very compatible with                   the Third Republic period discourses around disabled children: they differen-                   tiated children according to their ability be socialized (Projev ministra zdravot-Projev ministra zdravot-                   nictví Dr. J. Plohara 1953). Three different categories were distributed amongst                   the Ministries: the Ministry of Health took the responsibility for those who                   could be cured; the Ministry of Education – who could be educated despite                   permanent disability; and the Ministry of social affairs – who could be neither                   cured nor educated . This approach was based upon the idea of planned econ-                                     9                   omy and centralisation adopted by the Ministry of Health in very consistent                   way(Janouch, 1951; Sjednocení zdravotnictví… 1951). The local cells of Com-Janouch, 1951; Sjednocení zdravotnictví… 1951). The local cells of Com-The local cells of Com-                   munist Party were obliged to record all disabled children in order to indicate                   the necessity in special settings. Relevant command regarding the recording of                   disabled was done to schools (Ministerstvu �kolství, v�d a um�ní 1948 ).                     8	  During	the	first	third	of	the	20.century,	the	institutionalization	of	the	care	for	disabled	children	especially                      those	who	had	either	visual	or	hearing	impairment	was	incorporated	into	the	building	of	nation:	during                      the	interwar	period,	the	best	architectures	were	invited	for	working	out	the	projects	of	buildings	which                      were	established	in	the	best	localities.	Pučelík	Tomáš	Sociální	péče	o	hluchoněmé	v	Čechách	a	na	Moravě                      Paedologické rozhledy	1947	Ročník	III.	S.273–283                   9	  After	dismissing	the	Ministry	of	Social	affairs	in	1951	the	new	official	body,	the	State	Department	of	Social                      Security	(Státní	úřad	sociálního	zabezpečení)	and	local	authorities	took	formal	responsibilities	for	disabled                      children,	but	the	children	with	the	most	difficult	forms	of	disability	(neither	educable	nor	cureable)	were                      excluded	from	the	system	of	care.                                                                                          53","Remarkably, that offered division according to the degree of curability,             educability and ability to be socialised can be viewed as shifting focus from             the sources of disability typical of the First and Third Republic according to             the weight of heredity and environment to the consequences of disability.             This approach to divide disabled children was also relevant to the Soviet ap-             proach to the education for disabled on the same period. Being under the             pressure of the ban on testing and other measures marked as pervasive af-             ter issuing Special Decree “On Pedological Perversions in the Narkompros             System”of VKP(b) Central Committee in 1936, Soviet special education oper-             ated by symptomatic indicators focused on the consequences not causes of             disability. In combination with the decisive role of medical treatment, such             approach toughly limited children who were not cureable in the access to             social protection and education.                 In line with this division, the reform of settings for disabled children start-             ed from the general assessment of children and settings. This reform not only             reproduced the eugenic discourse but deepened arguments in favour of con-             trasting the interests of health and disabled children. Several legal regulations             were introduced in order to shape the process of differentiation, the Law about             school education (Law No 95 1948 Ústavodárného Národního shromážd�ní             o základní úprav� jednotného �kolství) introduced the claim to place disabled             children in order with “the degree of their handicap“. The main requirement,             the relevance of care, education and social assistance to the child's perspec-             tives, stipulated further monitoring under operating settings. Overcrowding             in institutions and placement of children with different degree of retardation             remained the main issue. Special boards were established for monitoring and             evaluating each of the settings within the system of special education. These             Boards were made up of representatives of local authorities, health care, edu-             cation and social affair and aimed to assess the material resources of settings             as well as the development of children for their redistribution if the building             would be acknowledged appropriate for the goals of obstetrics services.                 Even the official aim of monitoring was to indicate inappropriately placed             children (because of the handicap, type of education, the order of indicators             clearly noted the main target: to evaluate the resources and their appropriate-             ness for the purposes of improving the services for mother and infants. The             official monitoring record was unified for all boards and included following             points: 1) the precise number of patient capacity of the setting, and each of             the spaces (classrooms, dormitories, halls, workrooms and washrooms); 2)the             number of flats for stuff who stays at setting due to their obligations; 3) spaces             used beyond the professional objects e.g. for renting; 4) health condition of                 54","children, their mental development. Nevertheless, the intention to put disa-                   bled children on the margins of social policy faced the consistent resistance                   from  the  parents  and  professionals  (Ministerstvo  sociální  péče  Ústavy  pro                   hluchon�mé 1949). From the very beginning, the stage of negotiation between                   the Ministry and local authorities regarding the launch of differentiation, the                   officials run into problems. In autumn 1948 when the differentiation of the set-                   tings for deaf and hard of hearing should be started in South Morava, the local                   professionals three times (24. 9., 23. 11., 8. 12.) were invited in Prague by the                   Ministry of Health for discussing the programme of differentiation, but the                   plan was not finally fixed (ibid).                        THE CIVIC RESISTANCE: THE CURSE OF THE THIRD REPUBLIC                       The first wave of the socialist differentiation in 1948–1949 failed because of                   the efficient counteractions of the staff and parents. Both groups bombed the                   Ministries and the Government by the enormous number of absolutely iden-                   tical letters targeted to persuading authorities in the necessity to keep chil-                   dren in the settings (Rodičovské sdružení 1949). The staff and parents adopted                   the new Communist rhetoric, stressing the mission to bring up “fool-fleged                   citizens who would be able to serve to their state”. The textual and stylistic                   resemblance of the letters from different regions confirmed the high level of                   self-organisation amongst parents as well as efficient operation of their net-                   work over regions. Published in the report in February, 15, 1950, the official                   comment to this countercheck was laconic and rejected the collective nature of                   resistance: “the facile implementation of differentiation was braked by narrow                   selfish interests of certain people amongst staff and parents, but the differenti-                   ation runs in schedule” (Ministerstvo sociální péče Diferenciace ústavů 1950).                      In 1949 the special government decree (Vládní nařizení 10. kv�tna 1949)                   introduced changes into the regulations of parental units at schools, which                   became subordinated to the local Communist Party cells and could not direct-                   ly appeal to central officials without relevant permission. In the article about                   the new approaches to cooperation with parental units, the teacher of special                   school for mentally retarded children Josef Dubec performed the benevolent                   paternalism towards parents especially those who were unable to take part                   in the life of their child before engaging the unit: “I admit great doubts about                   possible  outputs  before  organising  initial  meeting,  but  the  participation  of                   more than half of mothers was pleasant surprise. They asked a lot questions…                   giving me great opportunities to teach them more about the new regulations                   and rules regarding special schools” (Dubec 1950).                                                                                            55","Starting in the end of 1950, the second wave of differentiation achieved far             more success than previous attempt: some settings were moved, while others             united with each other, several large-scale institutions were built, and some             of previous increased their patient capacity. In order to minimise the resist-             ance from the staff, the Ministry of health tried to move special schools under             its order before transforming them. In January 1950, only one institution for             children with hearing impairment fit fur surgery was under command of the             Ministry of Health, but a half year later the Ministry initiated the devolution             of all schools for deaf and hard of hearing children under its order. While the             grassroots activism of parents was oppressed, the resistance from profession-             als against differentiation had been increased. Exploring the correspondence             between the Ministry of Health and of the oldest settings for deaf and hard of             hearing children, Výmolův ústav, sheds light on the extent of mutual contest             (Výmolův ústav 1950). The main argument against transforming educational             centre into health care setting was the mission of the care for disabled: not cure             but educate and socialise. Highlighting the sufficient level of health care, the             staff and administration focused on describing their efforts towards better the             preparation to independent life and ability to understand other people, speak             naturally and properly. The internal arrangement, specially equipped classes,             dormitories and workshops were definitely suitable for this target group. Also,             the role of social workers, who were responsible for mentoring young adults,             former students, was stressed. But the Ministry of Health denied these argu-             ments and mentioned that the regulations of placements should be revised             in order to guarantee that only potentially curable children could be placed             into settings for the free-of-charge grounds. The Ministry's intention to unify             several settings gave a hostile reception amongst professionals who stressed             the need of children to be in touch with their families what would be blocked             in the case of consolidating several settings. The setting's staff asked the sup-             port from various bodies, both public and professional who also sent letters             to the Ministry of Health and the Government: the Union of workers of Com-             munist party (Zavodní organizace KSČ), the Union of parents and friends of             the school (Sdružení rodičů a přátel �koly), the Union of the principles of the             schools for deaf children (Svaz ředitelství ústavů) People's Academy for deaf             (Lidová akademie pro nesly�ící). Final decision was in favour of the setting             remaining the school for deaf and hard of hearing students until now.                 But not only direct menace to wellbeing of disabled children disposed             professionals to attack the Ministry of Health. In 1951 the Union of Disabled             People  of  Czechoslovakia  appealed  to  the  Ministry  of  Health  with  the  re-             quest to encourage the development of services for children with Cerebral             Palsy (Ústřední jednota invalidů 1951). The total number of such children was               56","approximately 10,000, and majority of them were placed into hospitals excep-                   tionally for health care, without any attempts to organise education and so-                   cial rehabilitation. Referencing the successful abroad experience in socialising                   children with Cerebral Palsy, the authors of the letter noted the options for im-                   proving the training, first of all vocational. They demonstrated the irrelevance                   of current practice to place the children into the settings for children with mul-                   tiple physical disability: “The children with Cerebral Palsy need definitely dif-                   ferent strategy of treatment than children with physical deprivation”. At the                   moment of sending letter, the Union had already established the day care cen-                   tre for these children operating as a pilot, but obviously one centre could not                   cover the demand of assistance. Alongside, the activists coherently criticized                   the Masaryk Institute (Masarykův ústav) the only one medical centre directly                   aimed at treating with children with Cerebral Palsy for its “backward medical                   focus” and low quality of care. Despite well substantiated arguments, their                   request for new approach to organising care and education remained without                   relevant answer until the end of 1950s.                      The  culminating  point  of  the  campaign  against  differentiation  was  the                   more than thirty-page report prepared by the Union of disabled people of                   Czechoslovakia (Svaz československých invalidů)  in cooperation with the in-                                                                 10                   dependent experts by 1957. They systematically investigated the consequenc-                   es of differentiation in the settings for physically disabled children. The report                   was sent to the Prime Minister and the Government in order to introduce them                   into “the miserable situation of children with physical disability and the urgent                   demand to ensure their socialisation”. According to the report, medicalisation                   remained the main issue blocking the mission of “social up-bringing” – the                   preparation of children to adulthood and as more as possible independent life.                   The authors, Jaroslav Pluhař and Rudolf Tyl, highlighted the negative impact                   of the dismissal of the Ministry of social care and differentiation on the recent                   state of the care for disabled. Exploring six different settings from different                   regions, Prague, Plzen, Bratislava, Liberec, Humenne and Slávnici Ilava, the                   authors demonstrated the diversity of issues as well as options for its solving.                   opposing the current unbearable state of care to the achievements of the First                   Republic, they reconstructed the interwar approach more focused on training                   and the preparation to adulthood than “meaningless attempt to indicate the                   level of retardation”. The pride of previous achievements contrasted with the                   shame for the current situation: “while in 1928 we achieved the world stand-                   ards and in some sense were the best, now in the settings under command of                     10	 The	 Union	 was	 established	 in	 1952	 within	 the	 movement	 Národní	 fronta	 which	 united	 various	 political                      parties	and	after	the	Сommunist	coup	d'Etat	operated	in	favour	of	citizen	participation	in	Kaplan	Karel	(2012).                      Národní fronta 1948–1960.	Praha	:	Academia.                                                                                          57","the Ministry of Health they made decision either the child is curable or not…”             The settings were “in the grip of wrong administration”                 Both in terms of quantitative and qualitative indicators, according to the             report, the new system operated “in wrong way”. The core disagreement was             related to the intention to provide care only for those children who were cur-             able. The differentiation destroyed previous wide networks of settings and             blocked the options for interdepartmental cooperation at the local level. Re-             moving settings under command of the Ministry of Health led to “the admin-“the admin-the admin-             istrative crisis”: the new principals, who were physicians focused on medical             treatment, simultaneously worked at other hospitals and accepted their duty             to manage settings as “supplement to their main activity”. The thoughtless             attitude of new administrators directly manifested in the neglect to building             and the needs to invest in their repair and the readiness to dispose from the re-             sponsibility for the buildings. The children with multiple handicap who needs             more and various care started to be “extremely limited”. Replacing teachers             by nurses directly influenced the decline of rehabilitation and special training             targeted to improving life skills. The systematic lack of educational activities             provoked the secondary mental retardation and aggravated the development             of children. The settings were unable to solve the access due to the unsufficient             capacity, but under the pressure of authorities and circumstances some of set-             tings started to accept more children than they could. In Humenné children             had to sleep in camp-beds, and health care staff spent no more than two hours             with them. The authors concluded: “any meaning of placement in such condi-             tions was lost”. In other settings (in Liberec and Plzen), the number of children             waiting for the acceptance amounted up the number of already placed and             exceeded it. The authors stressed the threaten trend either to replace children             to families and leave the parents without any support or place children into             large-scale institutions incapable to organise the complex approach. Recently             established large-scale institutions (e.g. in Brno for 215 children) were crit-             icised for inappropriate level of care. Planned as a measure for placing he             majority of children, even large-scale institutions were unable to accept all             children who needed the special education (e.g. in Brno more than hundred             children were not placed because of the limited capacity of the setting).                 The  authors  acclaimed  the  multidimensional  approach,  which  should             solve the tasks of “up-bringing, researching, socialising, inseparable from the             mission to care for the children with physical disability”. The inability of cur-             rent system to solve such issues was illustrated by the case of Jedličkův ústav,             where “prioritizing the medical care blocked the development of educational             strategies: neither teaching methods nor curriculum have not been upgraded             according to the resent changes in labour sphere and children remained being               58","separated from life the general backwardness of the socialist health care”. The                   authors provided coherent evidences in favour of the diversity of options for                   employing disabled people: they dared mention the experience of Liberec in-                   stitution before 1945 belonging to the German-speaking branch of education                   as the best example in terms of professional pathways offered to disabled chil-                   dren . The authors highlighted the collaboration between special schools and                       11                   local employers as the main requirement for keeping the system of vocational                   training relevant to the demand of labour domain.                      In  June  the  Union  got  the  official  extremely  cautious  response  to  their                   Report from the Ministry of Education. The Ministry's experts agreed with                   the facts and admitted the lack of the monitoring under the settings for dis-                   abled children ”even it would be our direct obligation towards the nation”.                   Alongside, the Ministry withheld to evaluate the situation and accept either                   party's opinion regarding the conflict of priorities, education vs. health care.                   Vice versa, the necessity to divide settings into “educationally-remedial and                   remedially-educational” was fixed as well as the reasonability to differentiate                   them between the Ministries. Being dead set against the turn of settings in                   the Ministry of Social Affairs, in the last part of its response, the Ministry of                   Education asked guarantees that the Union would do its own best to keep the                   capacity of settings as well as the quality of care. Later, the arguments from the                   report were used by the Ministry of Education in order to provide the budget                   for massive professionalization of assessment for disabled children.                      This outstanding case of civic resistance demonstrates the dual role of so-                   cial capital in charge with the non-democratic regimes  – even the movement                                                                     12                   aimed to guarantee welfare for children, the final beneficiary was the authori-                   tarian rulers who were able to expropriate the social capital of the network                   and spend it in its own aims – in favour of further institutionalisation of the                   care for disabled children.                                 11	 Precisely	in	the	1950s	at	this	unstitution,	the	Ministry	of	Education	organised	the	annual	retraining	for	special                      educators	Gaňo	Villiam	Selekcia	defektivných	deti	(1960)	Otázky defektologie.	2(4),	107–111.                   12	 The	massive	scholarship	regarding	the	ambiguity	of	social	capital	in	authoritarian	regimes	can	be	found                      in	the	surveys	focusing	on	the	transit	of	postsocialist	countries	and	Latin	American	countries,	for	instance                      Hooghe,	M.,	Stolle,	D.	Generating social capital. Civil society and institutions in comparative perspective New                      York:	Palgrave	Macmillan	2003;	Roßteutscher	Sigrid	Social	capital	worldwide:	Potential	for	Democratization                      or	Stibilizer	of	Authhoritarian	rule?	American Behavioural Scientist. 2010	53(5),	737–757,                                                                                          59","OFFICIAL RESPONSE TO THE CRISIS OF SPECIAL EDUCATION:                               TURN TO PROFESSIONALISATION                  In the second part of 1950s, the authorities could not ignore the disastrous             consequences of neglecting the care for disabled children. In 1956 the Ministry             of Justice as a Department responsible for the “protection of future genera-             tions” claimed to the Ministry of Education with the demand to solve the issue             of “the gap of settings for young idiots and compatible with them under age             who could be neither educated nor brought up” (Ministerstvo spravedelnosti             v Praze 1956). Obviously that settings within health care and special schools             did not accept them, and the shelters organised by the Catholic Church re-             mained the one and last option for placing ‘non-educable' disabled children,             but the capacity of such missions was limited by 2,000 places, and the major             part of their clients were elderly disabled people. Started in the second part             of 1950s, the secularization included the devolution of these shelters under             command by the Ministry of Education, and the Ministry of Justice required             to increase the capacity of shelters in order to place as much disabled children             living and/or working on the street as possible.                 Intending  to  decrease  the  sweeps  of  public  places  providing  by  police             in order to control neglected children, the Ministry of Justice analysed the             number of requests from the parents of disabled children about placing them             into the churches' shelters and concluded that by March, 1956, 851 were not             assessed, while 15% of the requests were applied in 1953, 40% – in 1954, and             the rest – in 1955. Additionally, it was mentioned that in many cases, shelters             did not accept the request “in order not to suggest vain hopes”. Along with             the requirement to increase the capacity of shelters, the Ministry of Justice             required to establish the regular monitoring under the disabled children who             remained beyond the control both of parents and local authorities. Provid-             ing arguments in favour of residential care, an expert of the Ministry of Jus-             tice, Dr. Litora, constructed the image of disabled child as a hindrance which             should be eliminated (Ministerstvo spravedlnosti Dětské asylové 1956). While             some motives in his arguments repeated the rhetoric of the Third republic (the             conflict between care for child and employment for mothers): “the mothers             of these children cannot work because the children demand permanent care             and attention…”, the main line highlighted the incompatibility of family up- the incompatibility of family up-             bringing and the interest of the nation: …the economic issues of families, com-: …the economic issues of families, com-             munities and the country in total are aggravated… the living standards de-             crease …the family situation could become so negative that would influence             the development of healthy siblings… and if the mother cannot pay attention                60","to the child, the family is blamed by the majority of citizens ”(Ministerstvo                   spravedelnosti v Praze 1956). Both professional and family care for disabled                   children contested the main priorities of social policy during the early socialist                   period: the development of obstetric services and the employment of women.                   Additionaly, the official position of the Ministry of Education reproduced the                   Soviet distrustful attitude to special education stipulated by the ban of testing                   and other measures regarding the assessment of children with disability (Leb-Leb-                   edová 1951; Souček 1953).                      In the second part of 1950s, the position of the Ministry of Education has                   changed towards intensive development of professional assessment and edu-                   cational intervention. It is reasonable to take into account the composition of                   driving forces stipulating the turn to professionalisation: the general depar-                   ture away from authoritarian regime and its practices, the appointment of new                   Minister of Education, Franti�ek Kahuda, who was interested in reinforcing his                   political capital, and the remained call for actions towards disabled children.                      Undoubtedly, the intention to increase political capital stipulated the Min-                   istry of Education to profesionalise special education as a channel for rein-                   forcing its influence – the example of the care for mother and children which                   established cosmic public success of the Ministry of Health as well as the glori-                   ous history of special education within the nationalist movement during the                   First and Third Republic periods persuaded to throw the great cast and start                   to transform the system of schools for disabled children. Slightly, the Czecho-the Czecho-                   slovakian education for disabled recovered its excellent reputation for their                   socialist neighbours – in 1954 the Ministry of International Affairs of Poland                   appealed to their colleagues in Prague with the request to organise a contact                   with the special schools for blind children due to the plans to develop the                   education for blind in Poland (Ministerstvo zahranicčních v�cí... 1954). Later,                   the Eastern Germany appealed to the Ministry of Education and Culture with                   the request to advice the best special schools for establishing the collabora-                   tion with new German schools (Regierung der Deutschen… 1957). Later, the                   Czechoslovakian special education started to operate as a benchmark for the                   rest of the socialist block.                      Starting the reform towards the professionalisation of care for disabled chil-                   dren, the Ministry of Education presented the official statistical data regarding                   the number of children out of the systematic care – more than 32,000 children                   with disability (more than one third of total number was those with mental                   disability) were neglected (Teplý 1960 ). The catastrophic situation was in Slo-Teplý 1960 ). The catastrophic situation was in Slo-). The catastrophic situation was in Slo-                   vakian part where the majority of only officially recorded disabled children                   were out of systematic care. While the number of children placed into special                                                                                            61","schools increased twofold for ten years – from 21718 in 1951 to 42247 in 1960,             the capacities of special education did not grow respectively . Obviously, in the                                                                   13             first decade of socialism not only material but also human resources of help-             ing professions were invested in developing the care for mothers and children,             while special education developed within strict medical model.                 The systematic call for professionalisation of special education focused on             the causes of disability and the options for preventing it – in contrast to the             previous “simplified” approach of dividing disabled children into the groups             according to their degree of curability, educability and the capacity of sociali-             sation. The precise moment of transfer from the previous oppressive policy             against education for disabled children to its consistent professionalisation             and expanded institutionalisation could be indicated in the writing by one of             the most famous special educators Villiam Gaňo . The Slovakian pedagogue                                                          14             did not officially disavowed early measures, vice versa formally established             the continuity between the first decade of socialist policy and planned reforms             highlighting the increased resemblance of Czechoslovakian special education             with the Soviet benchmark (Gaňo Villiam 1960). Alongside Gaňo stressed still             existed gap – the absense of the central research insitution compatible with the             Institute of Defectology in USSR. Also Gaňo deepened the arguments against             medicalisation: “from the pathological point of view medical diagnosis is right             but can say nothing about educability and socialization of the child… how to             start the intervention with child ”. Logically, that stressing the determinants of             disability, special education laid all its hopes on special psychology – even the             psychological surveys of maternal deprivation and attachment played the core             role in the theoretical framework of the care for mother and children, the most             prioritised area of social policy during the early socialist period (Ludvik 1960).                                           CONCLUSIONS                  In Czechoslovakia, the post-war period was distinguished by numerous             reforms around the education for disabled people and such huge turns in the             strategies regarding special education that it is reasonable to define its his-             tory during the first after-war decade as dramatic – for the staff, students and              13	 The	statistical	data	regarding	the	particular	types	of	schools	and	children	with	different	disabilities	started                 to	gather	only	since	1956	–	when	the	Government	began	to	make	efforts	towards	ensuring	the	systematic                 education	for	children	with	disabilities.             14	 Villiam	Gaňo	was	a	Slovakian	special	educator	mostly	focused	on	the	deaf	and	hard	of	hearing	children,                 but	conducted	applied	surveys	regarding	various	target	groups	of	disabled	children,	he	directly	cooperated                 with	 the	 Soviet	 special	 educators	 and	 distributed	 the	 Soviet	 approach	 in	 Slovakian	 special	 education.                 Matić	Miodrag.	čo	zanechal	Villiam	Gaňo	jako	dedičstvo	pedagógom	špeciálnych	škôl Otázky defektologie                 1967–1968.	9,	321–324.               62","their nearest surroundings, parents. The turbulent formation of institutions,                   from the very consistent focus on intensifying special education typical of the                   Third Republic period (1945–1948) to putting it on the margins of social policy                   priorities in the early 1950s, was determined by the obvious shortcomings in                   the services for disabled children aggravated by the general economic crisis.                   In combination with the ruthless struggle for political influence, the limited                   resources (financial, material, first of all buildings, and human) forced social-                   ist authorities, Ministries of Health Care, Social Affairs and Education, to ma-                   nipulate by the discourses around disabled children in order to advance their                   own political priorities. Reproducing eugenic discourse put the disabled chil-                   dren into the opposition to the healthy rest of the nation. Selecting disabled                   children into curable, educable and partially socialised, the socialist authori-                   ties, first of all, the Ministry of Health, substantiated medicalisation of the care                   for disabled children and attempted to expropriate the material resources be-                   longing to special education in favour of obstetric services – a main priority of                   social policy and the path of professionalisation.                      Despite the obvious ruptures of institutional development, after the WWII                   the  ideological  grounds  of  special  education  consistently  evolved  towards                   the focus on consequences of disability mainly in terms of the human capital                   than the origin and causes of disability. During the Third Republic, the main                   marker, the degree of mental development, stipulated the start of the differ-                   entiation regarding the institutions for disabled children. Early socialist era                   introduced three criteria, curability, educability and ability to be socialised,                   for organasing the services. Both sets of criteria operated in favour of radical                   selection amongst disabled children stipulating the segregation of those who                   were mentally disabled and unable to be either cured or educated. Later, this                   trend would be deepened in the consistent formation of assessment proce-                   dures as the grounds for further decision-making regarding the placement of                   children with disability.                      Exploring the continuities and discontinuities in the educational policy                   around disabled children between the Third Republic period and the first de-                   cade of the socialism highlights the forming of multiple oppositions between                   different Ministries, local and central authorities, administrators and experts,                   parents and professionals what later led to the longtime mutual alienation be-                   tween the key stakeholders of education for disabled children. The weakening                   of parental activities resonated with increased professionalisation and led the                   education for disabled children to that benevolent paternalism which remains                   the main strategy until now.                                                                                               63","64","CHAPTER 4                                  Development of a Special Education                       for Roma Children in Socialist Czechoslovakia:                        the Pious Desires Towards Total Segregation                                                                                     15                        The analysis of various educational programmes for the Roma children                   during the socialist period in Czechoslovakia is divided into two parts: the ex-                   ploration of procedures and organisational approaches to teaching the Roma                   in institutions of special education; and the recognition of eugenic discourses                   in the arguments put forward by professionals in favour of segregation. This                   division aims to trace the twofold role of professionals in the socialist period,                   as a driving force and as an object affected by other driving forces, socio-eco-                   nomic changes and political interests. Primarily, accepting this dual role of                   the Czech professionals in charge with the special education of Roma chil-                   dren ensures the historical vision which prevents one from over-politisation                   and simplification when investigating the education of the Roma during the                   socialist period. Indicating the dual role of professionals can provide a better                   understanding of the secondary path dependence which distinguishes cur-                   rent attitude towards “the Roma issue” in the Czech Republic. Challenging                   our reflexivity, the following questions are relevant: “To which degree is the                   position of professionals endorsed by political strengths?”; “What determines                   professionals to apply one theory and avoid another?”; “In favour of whom                   does the professional speak?” The answer to the question “What should be                   done to provide sustainable rights for the Roma people and to prevent their                   segregation?” juxtaposes institutional frameworks with professional discours-                   es which mostly remain in the background when the reforms towards a better                   education for the Roma are discussed and planned.                             15	 The	research	to	this	chapter	was	sponsored	by	Közép-Európai	Egyetem	and	the	International	Visegrad	Fund.                      The	theses	explained	herein	are	representing	the	own	ideas	of	the	author,	but	not	necessarily	reflect	the                      opinion	of	KEE.                                                                                           65","THE INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF SPECIAL EDUCATION FOR THE ROMA:                      TOWARDS THE UNIVERSALISATION OF RESIDENTIAL CARE                     EDUCATION	FOR	THE	ROMA	CHILDREN:	DEEPENING	CONTROL	UNDER	ALIENS                 In the socialist period, several waves of Roma migration and their high             birth rate (see Table 1) directly impacted on the realms of social and public             policies including education. After the expulsion of the Germans after 1945,             many Roma moved into the border regions, their numbers having increased             as a result three times, according to the internal statistics of the Ministry of             Internal Affairs (Zaraženi… 1947). The main concern regarding this new wave             of Roma migration was their behaviour “at the interface of illegal activities”             which provided “grave” threats to public security. In the earliest documents             prepared by the Ministry of Social Affairs, the movement of Roma people was             viewed as a high risk – “burden for our villages” (ibid). Due to “the high risk             of fluctuation typical of this ethnos”, it was suggested, that all necessary mea-             sures should be applied in order to detain Roma population within the loca-             tion of their permanent residence. Relevant to this procedure, the forcing the             Roma children to attend schools regularly, was built into the concept of osid�             lování, that is limiting the Roma to particular localities and placing them into             special settlements.                 In December 1946, the Ministry of Education and Enlightenment issued             the instruction for district schools aimed at organising the education for Roma             children. In the clarifying note (marked “cito”), the referent of the Ministry             mentioned: “During the previous year mostly in the bordering regions a sig-             nificant number of Gypsies have arrived, whose families have many school-age             children. It was indicated that local authorities do not pay enough attention to             preparing themselves for the education of this group” (Převýchova… 1947).             Local educational authorities were obliged to record children and families, as             well as inform local social security offices about each new child involved in             regular education. By the end of the Third Republic, out of 450 registered Roma             children (there were also 159 registered in Moravia) who attended mainstream             schools only 20 were redirected to the special schools (Navrch... 1948). In Mora-             via, non-Roma parents prevented the placement of the Roma children into kin-             dergartens, and the authorities were not able to overcome such resistance. In             the report of the Ministry, social diseases (scabies, lice, parasitic worms) were             mentioned as the main reasons, but the main additional argument was “the             alien behaviour of the Roma children” described as “irrelevant and irritating             for others” (ibid). The backwardness in mental development and the lack of the             language were also mentioned.                 66","From the very beginning of the socialist period, the solution of the Roma                   issue was seen as to require an interdepartmental approach to systematic “care                   and control”. While the prime idea was to place Roma people into special                   settlements – osady, by the end of the 1940s Roma people started to be sent to                   labour camps and recruited for the hardest types of hand-works: in quarries,                   gravel pits and brick manufactures (The settlements… 1954). The Ministry of                   Defense rearranged former army camps into labour camps. The Ministry of                   Internal Affairs monitored the Roma population for the local authorities, and                   after the communist coup de tête (1948) this procedure was undertaken by                   local Party sections – Mistní národní výbor. The Party gathered information                   not only about the number of Roma people, their gender, age and other demo-                   graphic characteristics, but collected data regarding employment and address                   that transformed the information into the toolkit for the local authorities in                   charge with the task of solving the Roma issue. The Ministry of Labour and                   Social Affairs wanted to ensure the participation of the Roma people in the                   work production and transform them into regular workforces. Moreover, the                   Ministry of Education was obliged to guarantee regular school attendance for                   the Roma children (Školeni... 1948).                      In terms of organisational design and its formation, the socialist special                   education for the Roma was distinguished by its continuity with previous pe-                   riods and directly expanded ideas and practices first initiated during the First                   Republic. In line with the ideology and practices regarding the Law against                   vagabonds and Roma people (1927), tough measures were introduced against                   the parental rights of Roma whose children did not attend school and became                   an integral part of the strategy devised in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Reor-                   ganising the care for youth did not change the previous practice to prescribe                   the solving of various issues regarding the Roma children to the Department                   of Child Protection – the subdivision of the local social protection authorities                   which were directly connected with the courts and legal order of decision                   making related to the termination of parental rights (Pozvání k… 1948).                      Frantishek Shtampach was the scholar who explored the Roma question                   in the 1900s and applied eugenic approach to investigating the Roma mode of                   life during the First Republic. He was also an important official in the Minis-                   try of education responsible for working out the concept of intervening with                   the Roma people until the middle of the 1950s. It was he who wrote ‘The in�                   volvement of Gypsy people in labour settlements, the re�upbringing and reeducation                   of their children and youth' (Zaražení... 1947), which regulated the school att en-1947), which regulated the school atten-                   dance of Roma children whose parents were placed into labour camps. Aim-                   ing to alienate children from the “backward family influence” and keeping                                                                                             67","in mind the strong resistance of mainstream schools, as well as of the special             institutions, to accept Roma children, during in the interwar period the Min-             istry of Education developed special units – classes and schools. In the 1950s,             the formulation of a specialized education for the Roma coincided with the             differentiation regarding the education for disabled children and children             with behavioural issues.                              Table 1  Roma population in Czechoslovakia, 1938–1979                                           Number of people, thousands                            Year                                       Total amount     Czech part/Slovakia                            1938           60                N/A                            1941           67                7/60                            1947          101                N/A                            1966          221               56/165                            1968          226               61/165                            1970          219               60/159                            1980          288               88/200                              Source: Státní statistický úřad, 1938–1980, data regarding 1938,                      1941 and 1947 were based upon the records of police, in later years – upon enumerations.                    SPECIAL	CLASSES:	THE	FIRST	STEP	AWAY	THE	MAINSTREAM	EDUCATION                 Due to “the probable high risk of retardation among children because of             the neglect of parents' duties”, in 1948 the Ministry of Education offered to es-             tablish helping classes – pomocné třidy – for the Roma children. Special attention             was given to the pre-school education – in order to compensate the gaps of fam-             ily upbringing and indicate the “substitute toolkits for educating children in-             stead families“ (Školení... 1948). Simulteneously, the idea about special classes             and also schools for the Roma children was debated, and the general approach             to teaching (contemt\&methods) was reflected by both types of solutions.                 The guidance documents issued by the Ministry of Education shaped the             model  of  communication  between  schools  and  local  communities  and  the             Roma people in which the key position was prescribed to the teacher: “while             Roma parents are distinguished by the absence of the interest to raise children,             placing children into school compensated missed skills” (Navrch… 1948). The             main principle of this model was as follows: “The more time the Roma child             spends in school, the more efficient the pedagogical efforts”. It, in other words,             stipulated the practice of schools to intervene in Roma families and commu-             nities in order “to push aside negative influence of the family on the child”             (ibid). The task of the primary medical assessment was laid upon schools too –             especially because of the growth of the institute for school physicians during               68","the 1950s. Schools were obliged to report the younger siblings of Roma pupils,                   and to assist to their placement into preschool institutions. In professional pe-                   riodicals, there are a few examples of applying this model which was consid-                   ered to be good practice.                      In 1960, Zdenek Šafr, a teacher of the special class for the Roma children                   from the cross-border town Jablonec nad Nisou, described his long-term expe-                   rience of educating the Roma children according to this model. He noted the                   outcomes obtained from a group of 24 children selected from 70 other children                   for an education in the special class “with the further perspective to move                   them to the mainstream class” (Šafr 1960). It can be said that the teacher –                   with his systematic and long-term involvement – operated as a case manager                   who built a wide interdisciplinary network around the Roma children and                   families: he appealed to the local section of the Communist Party in order to                   solve the issue of housing for families of his students, insisted that children                   required more intrusive health assessments, and step by step he involved both                   the Roma and non-Roma children into common activities in order to overcome                   prejudices among non-Roma parents towards the Roma families. Regular vis-                   its to the Roma families were meant not only to monitor progress but also to                   establish an intensive, emphatic, relationship: “to treat humanly [and to] lend                   a willing hand to people who have not been met with such good attitude yet”                   (ibid). The relevant changes in the Roma mode of life were taken as the main                   criteria for evaluating the effects of intervention. While the mission of describ-                   ing this experience was obviously to impart a more optimistic view on the                   education of the Roma children, neither the introduction nor the conclusion                   encouraged such view. At the beginning of the article, the author noted that in                   the case of failure in the special class the one possible option left for the Roma                   children was the special school, “the smallest of evil” (ibid). At the end, the                   teacher stressed the importance of success and recognition for children, and                   recommended to teachers, in whose classes students should be replaced, that                   it was a very significant point for “changing their practice”. The article also                   expressed concerns regarding the abilities of some teachers to adopt to the                   new practices of education.                      The teachers of mini-classes did not have privileges as the teachers of spe-                   cial schools even the general public remarked on the necessity to establish                   higher  fee  for  these  individuals,  “the  best  educators  among  our  teachers”                   (Kača 1963). The obvious diffi  culties and unpleasant fi nancial conditions pre-Kača 1963). The obvious diffi  culties and unpleasant fi nancial conditions pre-. The obvious difficulties and unpleasant financial conditions pre-                   vented some teachers to follow this career path. The analysis of statistical data                   during the socialist period and the reports from the Ministry shed light on                   such ambiguous attitudes towards special classes for the Roma children. For                   instance, in Eastern Czechoslovakia, the region with the highest concentration                                                                                           69","of Roma children, only one of the districts was able to keep the small classes             for the Roma. Moreover, between the 1978–1982 from among 849 pre-school             Roma  children  assessed  by  psychologists,  only  56  were  recommended  for             such classes (Jani�ová 1984).                 By the late socialist period, the practice to place the Roma children into             small classes in order to help with their development became rare. It often de-             pended directly on the enthusiasm of particular teachers wanting to put their             efforts into the “speed integration” of the Roma children. While the special             classes for the Roma children remained the official legal option during the             socialist period, the attempt to solve the issue of their unpreparedness within             this strategy run into problems. The majority of children did not attend kinder-             gartens, and this fact was presented as an explanation for the failure of special             classes. The next organizational approach – the special schools for the Roma             children- achieved more success, offering Roma children regular education.                     SPECIAL	SCHOOLS	FOR	ROMA	CHILDREN:	INTEGRATION	VS.	SEGREGATION                                              IN	PRACTICE                 Already by the end of the 1950s the strategy to place the Roma children             into special classes began to reveal its limits. Also, the special schools for Roma             children did not follow the previous aim to organise their education within             mainstream schools but separate from other children.                 Developing special schools for the Roma children coincided with the cam-             paign against cikánské osady, settlements of Roma people “in which the Gypsy             people practice a backward mode of life which obstructs their integration [in             society]” (Zeman 1962). Approximately 15% of all Roma population lived in             such settlements by the mid-1960s (Každý... 1966). Life in settlements was di-             rectly connected with widespread asocial patterns amongst children because             of irresponsible parents who were separated from the mainstream trends in             society and who “did not recognise the significant role of school attendance.             Even  more  they  asked  their  children  to  abandon  schools  saying  that  they             could get more money than the well-educated people…” (Znovu o... 1962).             The Roma children from these settlements were recommended to spend as             much as possible time out the settlements: special directives required local au-             thorities to organise summer camps for the Roma groups (Zeman 1962), and             later to put the Roma children into special schools (Mertin 1986a). While the             attempt to replace the Roma in urban areas failed (the Roma people reorgan-             ised their settlements and inclined to continue their traditional community life             beyond outside the rest of society), the intention to isolate their children from             alleged  negative  influences  was  reinforced.  Czechoslovak  authorities  faced             the issue of school attendance especially in Slovakia where the Roma parents               70","ignored recommendations and penalties: “when we prescribed the penalty to                   the mother because her 8-year old daughter did not go to school, she ignored                   it and even more stopped to send her younger son to school” (Lipa 1966). Next                   to other tasks such as “to disperse the Gypsies amongst the majority of popu-                   lation” and “to ensure [their] long-term job placement”, the school attendance                   was officially proclaimed as a priority of the strategy to integrate the Roma                   people (Co chcete… 1966). As a result, enforced measures against families in                   favour of regular school attendance were applied.                      Undoubtedly, augmenting the trend to place the Roma children into special                   schools conformed with in the emergence of a more negative public discourse                   about the Roma population in the early 1960s. The critical focus on teachers and                   local networking shifted on to parents who were presented as unable to ensure                   the relevant upbringing and care of their children: “there is no need to remind                   all these testimonies of irresponsible parenting: breakdown of social norms,                   rowdyism, poor labour morality, criminal behaviour…” (Hovoří... 1966).                      Creating special units for the Roma coincided with the general trend to                   differentiate the schools for children requiring special care (vyžadující zvláštní                   péči), and towards more precise division of students according to their deficien-                   cies. In 1954, the syllabus for the special schools for the Roma children (Učební                   osnovy... 1954) was developed under the active participation of educational                   practitioners from the Brno branch of the National Institute of Pedagogical Re-                   search (Výzkumný ústav pedagogický). Introducing specific recommendations re-                   garding the methods and content of teaching particular subjects, this document                   aimed to prepare the Roma children for the mainstream schools. Special schools                   were viewed as a temporal placement – until children would obtain language                   competencies as well as hygiene skills, and would be able to attend mainstream                   schools together with the “normal children approximately of the same age”                   (ibid). Primarily, the special schools for the Roma children should provide the                   first five academic grades – in the last two, the Roma students should be, ac-                   cording to this strategy, moved to mainstream schools. Planning the workload                   of teachers and the number of institutions needed, the authors of the strategy                   assumed that the total number of special schools should be moderate, and the                   primary estimation was done only for 20 schools, which should be established                   exceptionally in the districts with a large number Roma community.                      Comparing the draft of the syllabus and the final version accepted as the                   action plan after several months of debates reveals the changes in the state of                   mind of discussants: they were definitely optimistic at the very beginning and                   then much more moderate in terms of expectations in the resulting text. While                   in the first draft, the special school was defined as a supplementary institution                   aimed at socialising children, the final document indicated its aim to implement                                                                                           71","a comprehensive set of tasks relevant to the mainstream school (Organizační…             1955).  The  draft  explained  the  necessity  to  establish  special  schools  for  the             Roma children affected by general neglect and the lack of language competence             amongst them. Finally, the main argument was the obvious backwardness of             the Roma children which would require “systematic and long-term measures             towards their preparation for becoming responsible citizens” (ibid). Even the             symbolic message remained the same: equip the Roma children with skills and             competencies, but neither the draft nor the revised syllabus identified the pro-             cedures for moving the children from the special to the mainstream school. The             syllabus was not issued as a separated document despite the primary inten-             tion of the Ministry to equate these units for the Roma as compatible with the             mainstream schools. In November 1955, the syllabus was included with other             syllabuses for “the children and youth requiring special attention” (ibid). Thus,             on the organizational level from the very beginning the schools for the Roma             children were regarded as a system of special education.                 The  statistical  data  regarding  the  educational  trajectory  of  those  Roma             children who were placed into special schools indicates the inability of this             system to ensure further integration into the mainstream schools: even in the             regions whose experience regarding to the special schools for Roma children             was identified as successful, the majority of students finished their education             after the fifth grade of the special school, and only a small part (less than 15%)             successfully finished the mainstream school (Piňosová 1976). Simultaneously,             the number of children who were primarily placed into the special school for             the Roma children and then transferred into special school for children with             mental retardation exceeded 20%. The efforts of special schools were regarded             as insufficient for achieving long-term consistent outcomes in the upbringing             of the Roma children because of “the necessity to involve local authorities, the             activists from factories and special schools” (Motyčková 1962). In the early             1970s, debates relating to the ways of improving the education for the Roma             children, renewed the arguments in favour of the special classes, but did not             gain widespread success – because of the negative attitude towards the Roma             families, due to their behaviour regarding the new regulations of natality in-             troduced in the late 1960s and early 1970s.                          PLACING THE ROMA INTO SCHOOLS FOR THE MENTALLY                            RETARDED CHILDREN: BECOMING “SPECIAL”                 By the end of the 1960s, the Roma children began to be more regularly             placed  into  special  schools  for  the  mentally  retarded  children,  while  the             schools for the Roma children began to decline. In 1969 the Guidance About              72","the education and the upbringing of neglected and seriously retarded Roma children                   (Smernice... 1971) introduced the special regulations regarding compulsory                   attendance of schools and the administrative responsibility of parents for the                   school attendance. Roma children with any type of disability should be placed                   in relevant boarding schools, and not in schools for the Roma children. Even                   children without mental deficiencies were recommended to be placed into                   special schools for the mentally retarded either because of the lack of essential                   hygiene skills or long-term systematic school absence which “aggravated the                   primary moderate retardation” (ibid). While this practice conflicted with the                   main Law about schools, which banned the placement of children without                   disability into special schools, the combination of various factors contributed                   to its rapid application. By the end of the 1970s the number of the Roma chil-                   dren in special schools for the mentally retarded children increased twofold in                   comparison with the end of 1960s (Vávrová 1979).                      Starting to encourage the families with more than two children to over-                   come the long-term demographic crisis, the new pro-natalist policy stipulated                   further the placing of the Roma children into boarding schools for the mentally                   retarded children. The increasing success of the new social policy (introducing                   generous benefits for families, extending the maternity leave, promoting the                   importance of keeping the child in constant contact with the mother for three                   first years) directly stimulated the birth rate in Czechoslovakia and, according                   to the intention of the health reformers, it ought to have decreased the demand                   in kindergartens and other services which were permanently limited because                   of the lack of staff and buildings (Shmidt and Bailey 2014). Being with many                   children, the Roma families were caught up in this policy and began to attract                   much more attention from the authorities who were interested in controlling                   the risk families and their reliance on benefits.                      In the second part of the 1960s, the trend to limit the parental rights of the                   Roma included the refusal to pay benefits to parents whose children did not                   attend school regularly. Even in the mass-media this measure was posed as ex-                   treme and not desirable, and another, softer, type of intervention (mentoring                   parents and children) was recommended, which was directly governed by the                   local authorities and by their good will to engage with such “time-consuming                   efforts” (Co chcete… 1966). It is remarkable that the mass-media presented                   the problem of school attendance as “surprisingly not exceptionally typical                   of the Roma children” and yet the non-Roma child was described as “behav-                   ing like the Gypsy”. According to statistical data 40% of the Roma students                   missed more than one half of classes (Sojka 1966). Parental irresponsibility was                   opposed to the rights of the children, and the previous practice of negotiat-                   ing with parents was criticized: “neither [school] boards nor teachers are able                                                                                           73","to persuade parents to send children into schools” (Negramotnost… 1963).             Viewing the Roma parents as unable to ensure regular school attendance was             fixed in legal procedures.                 The new ‘Law about the consequences regarding the neglect of parental             care' (Zákon o n�kterých důsledcích zanedbání péče o d�ti č. 177/1966) intro-Zákon o n�kterých důsledcích zanedbání péče o d�ti č. 177/1966) intro-177/1966) intro-             duced the procedures for allowing the decision to ban parents from benefits.             Actually, this law legalized the already developed practice, especially in Slo-             vakia, to punish the Roma parents whose children did not attend school. In             1965 applying this measure led to increasing the number of children who             started to visit school two times (Špiner 1966). Before issuing the law, the             local section of the Communist Party made such decisions. Gradually, the in-             tention to limit the rights of the Roma parents expanded to their termination,             and even more, to prescribing criminal responsibility for the breach of their             duties regarding the school attendance of their children. The rapid growth             of fertility amongst the Roma, the tough policy against the parents, and the             lack of services aimed at instructing the parents, all contributed to the second             wave of mass institutionalization of the Roma children: their placement into             large-scale residential care units.                 The mass-media reported the stories about Roma parents who bought al-             cohol with ‘benefits' money (Sojka 1966). The increasing number of surveys             opposing the good education of children in boarding schools to the failures             of children placed into mainstream schools, worked in favour of further seg-             regation of the Roma children. One teacher from a special school for Roma             children asked in the journal Issues of Defectology (Otázky defektologie, 14(7),             280): “Why do obviously normal children, who are able to cope with the main-             stream curriculum learn at the special school, and what can be done in order             to integrate them?”. The teacher also insisted that: “all Roma children should             be placed into special schools according to the their problems, either behav-             ioural difficulties or mental retardation”.                 The mainstream school began to be viewed as an inappropriate institute             of socialisation for those children whose “surroundings are unable to provide             the sustainable acquirement of skills and competencies” (Žáková 1983: 12). As             it gained widespread support, the monitoring of the Roma students at spe-             cial schools focused on the continuity – either positive (in the case of special             education) or negative (related to the education in the mainstream schools) –             and on the dynamic of academic achievements and socialisation. Thus, the             Roma  pupils  at  mainstream  schools  were  less  integrated  and  performed             poorer in academic activities than the Roma pupils at special schools. The             exception was the Roma children who attended the mainstream school but                 74","were brought up in children homes: because “they were prepared, washed                   and dressed daily” (Žáková 1983: 14). Placing the Roma children into special                   school was described as “relevant to the typical of the Roma retard mental                   development”, while educating them at mainstream school was seen as the                   source of the threat to “reproduce academic failures which inevitably de-                   crease the motivation to learn” (Zeman… 1962). Later on, the connection be-the connection be-                   tween school failure and delinquency was deployed and prompted the devel-                   opment of new approaches to assess the Roma children in order to identify                   on time those of them at risk.                          LAST	SOCIALIST	PERIOD:	INCREASING	ARBITRARINESS	IN	DECISION	MAKING                      By the end of the 1970s many regions had experienced problems related                   to the Roma population which had increased, especially in the Czech part                   of the country (see Table 1). Also, experts stressed the growing delinquency                   amongst the Roma youth – the official statistics disclosed that 44% of young                   offenders, younger than 14, in various institutions were of Roma origin, while                   the general number of under-age Roma population was less than 3% (Štipek                   1988: 261). According to experts, neither the capacity of institutions nor the                   approaches to re-education could cope properly with the ‘deviant behaviour'                   of the Roma youth (Kára et al. 1975).                      Directly explaining the increase of criminal activity by the lack of an ef-                   ficient approach to educating the Roma, authorities started to develop the                   method of psychological assessment, aimed at indicating early on the Roma                   children at risk, before the start of secondary education. Gradually, new ad- Gradually, new ad-                   ministrative  decisions  replaced  previous  practices,  allowing  however  that                   the Roma children be included in the mainstream education. While until the                   mid-1970s the decision about the educational trajectory for the majority of the                   Roma children was made after finishing the first grade in mainstream school;                   towards the end of the 1970s, the centres of pedagogical-psychological as-                   sistance (pedagogicko�psychologická poradna) selected the Roma children from                   the very beginning, refining the procedures of psychological assessment for                   pre-school Roma children and introducing various versions of culture-free in-                   telligence tests (Mertin 1986a). Establishing a consistent system of listing the                   Roma children, the local branches of the Communist Party and their special                   sub-division, the Board of re-educating the Roma population, required the                   Roma parents to visit the centre and undergo the assessment of their child.                   This practice was rapidly disseminated: in one of the Moravian districts with                   the high number of the Roma population, the number of children passing                   though such an assessment increased from 92 children in 1978 to 225 in 1981                                                                                             75","(Žáková H. 1983). The local branch of the Communist Party made the final             decision about the placement of the child based upon such assessment. The             range of options was thus: to postpone school entrance for one year and to             place the child into a kindergarten or to place him/her into a special class or             a special school. The recommendation to learn at a mainstream school was             a rare option – because the main prerequisite for such decision was based             on the regular attendance of the kindergarten and on direct recommendation             from the pre-school pedagogues. As the Roma children did not attend kinder-             gartens, it was thus impossible for this strategy to provide for them integra-             tion into the mainstream school.                 Considering that most the Roma children were deemed to be unprepared             for the school (approximately half of all children who passed through the             assessment), the Boards of re-educating the Roma population delayed their             school entrance (Vavrová 1979). Only a small number of these children visited             kindergartens, and many stayed at home, without any regular efforts towards             their preparation for school. Relevant to this lack of socializing practices, the             number of children whose school entrance was postponed, and who after this             were placed into special school, remained high – more than 22%. Conducted             in the regions with a high number of Roma population, the survey of the edu-             cational trajectories of the Roma disclosed the fact that amongst 38% of the             children who were placed into special schools, after unsuccessful finishing             the first academic year, were children whom the Boards primarily postponed             their school attendance (Jani�ová 1985: 253). This data substantiated the later             practice of reducing the period of postponement for the Roma children, and             their placement into special schools.                 Moreover, not only the beginning of the education but its final stage too,             that is vocational training, had been dependent on the special schools. Due to             the long-term official view on the professional preparation as a toolkit of social             control of ‘unreliable' groups, encouraging the Roma youth to take this route             remained the significant task of the Czechoslovak educational policy. By the             early 1980s, the Roma graduates of special schools were automatically placed             into  vocational  schools,  while  the  Roma  graduates  of  mainstream  schools             could avoid it (Mertin 1986b). This difference informed the debate about the             long-term placement of the Roma children into special boarding-schools. Both             arguments, the importance of putting the Roma children in a special school             from the very beginning and keeping them there until the end blocked any             options for integrating the Roma children in the mainstream education. The             special education obtained all qualities of the universal pathway for such “risk             group” as the Roma children.                76","It would be over unwisely to consider that the alienation of Roma children                   in favour of special education took place without the experts having consid-                   ered the negative outcomes of such an approach. Especially in the 1960s, when                   the call for family care for children had advanced the value of attachment,                   professionals started to discuss the placement into residential care as a dead-                   end option because “beyond family care the child cannot raise in normal way”                   (Problémy... 1965). Simulteneously, experts acknowledged the abject poverty                   of the Roma families and the impossibility to overcome it: “one pot for sev-“one pot for sev-                   eral  families,  regularly  undernourished  children,  desperate  mothers,  who                   lose their children in hospitals” (ibid). Professionals started to think about the                   Roma issue within the dilemma of “family, but insufficient vs. institution, but                   powerful”, thus avoiding other options for intervention and using the concept                   of 'retardation' as an universal explanation for the mistreatment of the Roma                   children. Thus, Josef Št�pán, the principal of the special school for the Roma                   children in D�tenice, and one of the most important experts on the education                   of the Roma, who published several articles in professional periodicals, asked                   colleagues: “What helps the defective individual more? Segregation with fur-                   ther socialisation in collective institution or staying in family with its deep                   mutual ties?”(Št�pán 1976: 48). Accepting the sustainability of the attachment                   between the child and the parents even after placing the children into board-                   ing schools and removing them from abusive parents, Št�pán argued for the                   priority of special education but only under the condition that “it would op-                   erate in open and healthy society” (ibid). A decade later, finalising her long-                   term survey of the Roma children, another well-known expert Helena Malá                   notified the impropriety of disseminating the negative view about the Roma                   people who had been already integrated. Thus she explained this trend by                   the fact that “family upbringing remains the restraining factor for the in- and                   out-school education of the Roma children – not because of the lack of moti-                   vation among the Roma parents but due to the huge gaps in their competen-                   cies and the absence of skills which were explained by their “sociocultural                   backwardness unattainable by management” (Malá 1985). The sophisticated                   and multi-extent platform of arguments in favour of residential institutions                   developed during the socialist period should be understood in the context of                   the high-demand for educators to reinforce the meaning of special education                   and overcome the obvious conflict of this strategy with the view of the family                   as an indispensable source for the child development.                                                                                                  77","THE IDEOLOGICAL PLATFORM OF THE EDUCATION FOR THE ROMA CHILDREN:                         PROFESSIONALISATION IN FAVOUR OF SEGEGATION                          THE	DISCOURSES	AROUND	THE	EDUCATION	FOR	THE	ROMA:                                      OLD	WINE	IN	NEW	BOTTLES                 While the public (or communicative) discourse around the Roma had ex-             perienced significant metamorphosis due to the interest of the authorities to             manipulate the Roma issue in favour of legitimizing themselves and delegiti-             mizing the enemies of the regime, the coordinative or professional discourse             relied on the historical continuity within professional attitudes formed in the             interwar period and during the Protectorate. In the early 1950s, the profes-             sional rhetoric introduced two main concepts related to the Roma children: re-             education and rehabilitation – primarily, the selection of the Roma people was             meant to group together those who needed reeducation, and approve their             placement into special settlements and institutions. The selective way of think-             ing about the Roma but within the assimilative objects of education permeated             the formation of academic knowledge as well as applied assessment and inter-             vention. In the surveys conducted amongst the Roma families the division into             families of the first and the second categories were mentioned as the grounds             for further decision about the educational trajectory of the child (Žáková 1983).             The socialist experts opposed the selection based on social characteristics and             favoured a more biological view on the Roma issue – which was reproduced             again and again within debates centred on the question “How can the socialist             society protect itself from the threat of degeneration and from social groups             with high proportion of degenerates?” (Sovak 1975)                 Established in the first part of the 1950s, the specification related to the             teaching of major subjects to the Roma children identified the initial steps to-             wards the construction of a discourse around “the asocial environment” as the             main argument for further discrimination of the Roma children. For example,             in teaching mathematics the focus should be on the “critical and logical think-             ing, both typically weak in the Roma children” (Učební… 1954). On the other             hand, the intense learning of the Czech language (while in the draft of curricu-             lum both Czech and Slovak languages were optional, according to the priority             of children and parents, in the final document this choice was excluded) aimed             to increase “the interest in reading and to prepare for the learning of Russian             as the language of political literacy”. Teaching the Czech language was seen as             a measure to prevent the alienation of children from backward surroundings,             while the learning of the history of the Czech people should “highlight the             difference between the Czech and Roma people, their approaches towards the             development of natural resources”. The close history of the Czech and Slovak               78","people became the other major point “for translating communist morality”. In                   line with the wellspread stereotype regarding the inability of the Roma to cul-                   tivate crops and care for live-stock, the biology should provide the essentials                   of a solicitous attitude towards fauna and flora. Physical education was re-                   vised in order to provide more skills regarding hygiene and self-care, and arts                   (music and drawing) should improve self-discipline. According to the beliefs                   in the special abilities of the Roma, music was described as a subject particu-                   larly important for discovering the children's talents and supporting their self-                   esteem. Selecting the educational techniques more suitable for the Roma chil-                   dren notified further steps towards discriminating the Roma. Teaching should                   be based upon the special toolkit reinforcing repetition and redundancy. The                   guidance put forward the role of visualisation in teaching geography because                   of “the enormous shortcomings in [their] vocabulary”.                      The guidance prioritised the role of social control and reduced the mis-                   sion of developing the intelligence of children: “teachers should revise the                   academic agenda in favour of the task to replace the asocial [and] undesir-                   able behavioural patterns of the children by the adequate habits and skills”                   (Organizační… 1955). The guidance hoped to replace the Roma routine life                   with competencies unknown before but which were considered to be “indis-                   pensable for developing hygiene and cultural life” (ibid). For instance, the chil-                   dren should stay in after-school groups (školní družiny) doing their home-work                   and engaging with leisure activities under the control of the school staff. Later,                   the regulations regarding the special schools for the Roma children prescribed                   the significant meaning to the out-school activities and the role of teachers in                   monitoring children's non-study time. The obvious intention to supersede the                   family by educational activities indicated the increasing contest over children                   between the school and the parents (Št�pán 1982).                      The conflict between the Roma family and the school could be seen both in                   early socialist documents regarding the special classes and in the latest instruc-                   tions worked out for the special schools. Engaging the Roma children in school                   continued to be viewed as a challenge to their previous mode of life. In the                   1960s the confrontation between the Roma parents and schools was built into                   the increasing trend to oppose the Roma mode of life by a reference to morality:                   “Is it possible to recognize the morality of those Gypsy mothers who without                   any worry leave their children in hospitals believing in the state's obligation                   to care for their children” (Negramotnost… 1963). Consistently opposing the                   ‘progressive' school with the ‘backward' family, it was prescribed to teachers                   “to suppress emotional reactions typical of this ethnic group; overcome the                   language barriers which inevitably appear; advance the acquisition of the skills                   whose meaning was unknown to both children and their parents; keep down                                                                                           79","and limit children's intention to move during the learning process; develop             endurance; teach children to save their school materials from younger siblings;             compensate the lack of parental interest with the school achievements; and [fi-             nally] provide more attentive approach to the Roma students” (Žáková 1983).                 Aimed at comparing the educational trajectories of those Roma children             placed into institutions and those who stayed at home, the surveys, which             were conducted in the late socialist period, supplemented the traditional view             on the Roma family, as unable to benefit from institutions, with new argu-             ments. Accepting the extremely moderate progress in socialising the Roma             children, various authors recognised two main obstacles: the high level of in-             fant rate among “socially immature and mentally retarded mothers”, and the             migration due to that “the backward Roma families were added to more so-             cialised families in this community, for whose progress we struggle with all of             our efforts” (Žáková 1983: 14). The experts emphasised the parents' inability             “to build the multidimensional strategy of raising their children and prevent             the spontaneous development of child who usually is shut in upon oneself”             (Vavrová 1979). Echoing the interwar period rhetoric, the experts prescribed             the main responsibility to mothers and stressed the deficiencies of the Roma             women in implementing the role of responsible parent because of their depen-             dence on their husbands, preoccupation with birth, avoidance of contact with             the wider social environment » (Št�pán 1982).                 The most negative concept regarding the Roma family and its inability to             raise children was shaped in the surveys of the delinquent behaviour of youth.             Comparing young offenders amongst the Roma and non-Roma origin led to             the conclusion that the Roma delinquents were often brought up in two-parent             families (thus, even this traditional marker of child well-being did not work re-             garding the Roma) and the educational degree among the Roma parents was             significantly lower than amongst non-Roma parents (Štípek 262). With the fact             that the number of older Roma siblings who were already placed into correc-             tional institutions was bigger than those of non-Roma, the evident limits of par-             ents determined the development of practices aimed at controlling the commu-             nication between offenders and their families because of “the ambiguous impact             of the relatives [and family] on the reeducation of the Roma youth” (ibid 263).                 Deconstructing the Roma model of parent-child relationship, the socialist             authors conveyed arguments against the discourse of the child, which is cur-             rently considered an indispensable part of contemporary parental and educa-             tional practices (Lee 2005). The readiness of the Roma parents to take the side             of the child in the conflict with the school and the teacher, the lack of how to             garner their love as parents as a toolkit for improving the social behaviour                80","of the child, the vague idea about the future of the child and the focus on                   “here and now” were considered deficient. In contrast to the First Republic,                   the socialist experts stressed the necessity to take into account the strong link                   between Roma parents and their children: “the love of the parents is deci-                   sive for the socialization of children, including the Roma.” But this approach                   remained univocally utilitarian. Considering the parent-child relationship in                   terms of functions, the socialist experts created common stereotypes about the                   Roma families which contemporary helping professionals shared and actively                   applied in their research and educational practices.                      While in the 1950s and 1960s the communicative discourse viewed the                   teachers recruited for the special education for the Roma people as “brave                   pioneers who would place the people's hopes under the vigilant monitoring                   of the Party”, by the end of socialism pedagogues who worked with the Roma                   children were posed as experts: “Currently treating the Roma children and                   obviously being busied with the task to overcome the difficulties in socializing                   the Roma children in the future, teachers should be sure that their experience                   would be disseminated and applied in the planning and implementation of                   the relevant policy” (Malá 1984). Describing the teacher as a key mediator                   between the Roma child who requires the enormous number of behavioural                   patterns, and the normal space into which the child should be integrated, the                   socialist pedagogy rejected the Roma the right to autonomy and spontane-                   ous development. The main argument in favour of limiting autonomy in such                   a radical way was the causal relationship between the lack of school atten-                   dance and illegal behaviour: “the data regarding the criminal career of the                   Roma youth confirm the high correlation between lying to their teachers, not-                   doing their home tasks, academic failure and further expansion of asocial and                   antisocial behavioural patterns” (Žáková 1982: 16).                      Reproducing  the  pre-sociological  discourse  of  the  child,  the  socialist                   pedagogy marked the Roma family as a source of threats and placed great                   expectation upon professionals and institutions. Undoubtedly, the intensive                   formation of special education for the Roma assumed developing more so-                   phisticated ideological grounds for approving the abnormality of the Roma                   children. In the socialist period, the special education for the Roma children                   passed included the attitudes that had appeared in public discourse earlier                   and then became fixed in the common sense. Adding professional reasoning                   to public concerns, scholars and practitioners consolidated the stereotype of                   Roma  backwardness.  Two  main  interrelated  trends,  psychologisation  and                   medicalisation, characterised the formation of epistemic communities entrust-                   ed to solve the Roma issue.                                                                                            81","PSYCHOLOGISING	THE	DISCOURSE	OF	THE	ROMA	CHILD:                           THE	CONSISTENT	ECLECTICISM	OF	THE	ARGUMENTS                 Within the organisational approaches for the education of the Roma, the             traces of Soviet influences are easy to discern. The Czechoslovak experts ac-             tively applied the concepts worked out by Soviet educational psychology to             explore the specifics of the Roma children's development. However, in con-             trast to their Soviet colleagues, the Czechoslovak experts combined the Soviet             approaches with the arguments derived from the Western psychology in order             to develop the consistent ideological arguments in favour of special education.             They kept away from the opposite view on the sources of child development             typical of the Soviet and Western psychology, also from the Soviet critique             of “the bourgeois science”, and juxtaposed the pro-social, Soviet, profile for             recognizing child's issue and the pro-biological, Western, pattern of thinking             about the child development. According to Žáková “the compatibility with             the claim put forward by Elkonin and Davydov, Saurey and Telford that the             negative attitude to learning is stipulated by the inability of the child to cope             with the school prerequisites even its sources can be varied…” (Žáková 1982).             Both  explanations  regarding  child  development,  Soviet  and  Western,  were             adopted for refining already entranched arguments, and neither the obvious             difference between two camps of psychologists, nor the common utilitarian             approach to child development were the subject of critical revision among the             Czechoslovak scholars and practitioners.                 Most intensively and consistently, the experts appropriated the constructs             which asserted the precise standards of mental development in terms of its             dynamic.  In  line  with  the  Vygotskian  approach  about  ontogenesis  and  its             stages, the Czechoslovak authors explained the shortcomings in the develop-             ment of the Roma children by missing the sensitive periods of development             because of parental neglect. Linking the academic failure with not having sen-             sitive periods substantiated the placement of the Roma children into residen-             tial care units from early childhood: “we have to bring the sensitivity of the             young child, outstanding and short-term flexibility of the child mind to our             efforts into action, and implement more intensive intervention as soon as pos-             sible, before entering the school” (Žáková 1983: 11). This psychological argu-11). This psychological argu-             ment supplemented a more traditional suggestion developed by physicians             who approved the high positive correlation between failing the first grade             and further deterioration of academic achievement amongst the Roma pupils             because of the link between cumulative failure and the inability of families             to overcome gaps in skills and competencies of the child (Reisenaure 1962:             867). Put together, these arguments delineated the unique role of educational                82","institutions as corrective actors of the Roma children, guiding them towards                   more civilized patterns of behaviour.                      In line with previous periods, this discourse reinterated the mental (un-                   der-)development of the Roma. Viewing the specific traits of the Roma chil-                   dren as similar to those of primitive men, the Czechoslovak experts explained                   the left-handedness amongst the Roma people by their habit to manipulate                   both hands. The outputs of the survey aimed at exploring the acquisition of                   school curriculum by left-hand Roma pupils were compared to the outcomes                   of the survey of the Malaysian tribe from the island Celebes (Št�pán 1976). The                   obvious differences between the Roma and non-Roma mentally retarded chil-                   dren were explained by the different degree of being accustomed to “the right-                   hand civilization”. In conclusion, the author shared the idea to compare his                   results collected amongst the Roma with the performance of left-handedness                   in different Indian castes, including that from which the Roma had descended.                      In agreement with the Soviet psychologists's surveys of the small num-                   bered people (Alexander Luria, Aleksei N. Leontiev, Aleksei A. Leontiev), the                   Czechoslovak  authors  applied  the  colonial  discourse  to  identify  the  short-                   comings of the Roma children because of the primitive nature of the Roma                   language. The growing number of such surveys in the early 1970s could be                   explained by the increased trend to place the Roma children into boarding                   schools for mentally retarded – helping professionals approve the removal of                   the child from the family even though the attachment between the child and                   parents was seen as an indispensably valuable for mental development. The                   reason to remove the Roma children from families in favour of institutions was                   unique, and the previous concept of deficient parenting did not satisfy the need                   of professionals to be in line with the public discourse. Defining language as                   a decisive factor of the backwardness of the Roma, the experts solved the di-                   chotomy “asocial/family – socializing/institution” in favour of residential care.                   Consistently depreciating the Roma language by emphasizing its deficiency,                   not because of the inability of the Roma to learn the Czech language, but due                   to the diverse misconnections between thinking and speech indicated by the                   experts. Coinciding with the traditional nationalist idea that “only one's own                   language would advance the nation” and the Soviet theories regarding the con-                   nection of thinking to speech, Št�pán defined the Roma language as “being in                   its phonetic phase' [its] vocabulary, [and] the systematic lack of unification and                   the absence of writing language, different than the Czech language, could not                   help to implement the task of advancing the child's mind and teaching them                   the Czech language” (Št�pán 1975: 148). The Roma language was accepted as                   inappropriate for teaching children the majority of cognitive functions because                                                                                            83","of the absence of abstract notions. The limited number of vowels restrained the             ability to recognize the diversity of syllables in the Czech language.                 Comparing the issues of teaching the Czech to the Roma with the mistakes             of Lithuanian children who had learnt Russian, the author concluded that “the             native language stipulates the ability to fix, change and generalize the frames             of the adopted foreign language”(ibid: 149). In combination with the idea that             the Roma parents did not provide sensitive periods to the child, the derogation             of the Roma language determined extremely segregating statements against             the Roma: “Missing all sensitive periods when acquiring the language, the             Roma students are unable to use non-Roma words even in the order to ini-             tiate  communication,  while  the  school  prerequisites  expect  recognizing  the             grammar points and abstract concepts… ” (ibid). Deriving the principle of the             indissoluble link between thinking and speech from the theories of Vygotsky             and Piaget, the author described the thinking of the Roma as inevitably primi-             tive. The language barrier was aggravated by the deficient social interactions             “which – in the Roma community – [were] conditioned by the environment             with the minimal display of influences to development. Here there are no op-             tions for overcoming the barrier of minority and integrating the potential mem-             bers of our society because there are no chances for them to become relevant             to the expectations of majority” (ibid: 150). The Roma family was not viewed             as a potential actor of language integration – according to the outcomes of the             survey, only 4% of the Roma parents spoke Czech or Slovak, while more than             46% – the Roma language, and the same number spoke both languages while             preferring the Roma language (Kára et al. 1975). Thus, belonging to an ethnic-             ity distinguished by “primitive language” and “irresponsible parenting” be-             came the direct explanation for the mental retardation of the Roma children.                 Psychologizing the discourse of the Roma child transformed the concept             of social environment in favour of substantiating the necessity to separate the             Roma child from the family and community, which directly impeded social-             ization. Medicalisation of the discourse regarding the Roma children put for-             ward the phenotypic characteristics as a source for corroborating the place-             ment of the Roma children into special institutions in order to compensate for             their alleged “inherent defects”.                                    MEDICALISING	THE	ROMA	CHILDREN:                     FROM	EXPLORING	THE	ENVIRONMENT	TO	INVALIDATING	THE	CHILD                 The medicalisation of the surveys regarding the Roma began in the in-             terwar period and grew in importance during the Protectorate. It also re-             mained influential during the socialist period. Typical of the first decade of                84","the socialist period, the studies about the connection between health and aca-                   demic achievement were directly based upon the methodology worked out                   by the Czech scholars in the 1940s, who determined the secondary mental                   disability by the low standards of hygiene and the high level of contagious                   diseases amongst mothers and infants. Similar to studies elaborated during                   the Protectorate, the early socialist surveys aimed to differentiate the sources                   of disability both physical and mental by either heredity or the shortcomings                   of health and social care.                      Acquired disability was put forward, and its prevention became the mis-                   sion of health care: “we consider that those infections not yet recognized are                   hidden beyond the extended diagnosis cretinism of unknown etiology, and the                   lack of recognizing its efforts on mental retardation as well as overcrowding                   special schools” (Reisenaure et al. 1962). This approach reflected the interests                   of the Ministry of Health to improve its political capital within the reform                   targeted to perfecting the care about mothers and children due to the crisis                   of obstetric services and increasing infant mortality in the first decade after                   the  WWII.  The  cross-regional  comparisons  measured  the  dissemination  of                   contagious and parasitic diseases (hepatitis, helminthes, measles) and the var-and parasitic diseases (hepatitis, helminthes, measles) and the var-diseases (hepatitis, helminthes, measles) and the var-(hepatitis, helminthes, measles) and the var-                   ied number of mentally retarded children. The parasitic contamination was                   determined by the social status of the parents and led to the significant de-                   cline of children in learning (Přivora 1951). Remarkably, scholars constructed                   the concept of mental retardation mostly in terms of academic achievement:                   repeating a class, irregular school attendance, and bad marks. Asserting the                   medical approach to prevent acquired disability, Czechoslovak scholars pro-                   posed the notion of social oligophrenia – the retardation in mental and physical                   development because of worse living conditions, and responding to this chal-                   lenge, they had substantiated their participation in social care and education                   as a comprehensive strategy “for cultivating the health of young generations”                   (Křemenová 1962). Such rhetoric accompanied the dispute between the Min-                   istry of Health and the Ministry of Social Affairs over the influence on social                   policy, which started in the early 1950s and which continues to this day. No                   doubt, that opposing the role of professional to the phenotype of the Roma                   child became the seductive construct for various groups of experts.                      By the mid-1970s, Helena Malá conducted several surveys aimed at argu-                   ing the necessity to place the Roma children into residential care institutions –                   she started to apply the concept of acceleration for deriving criteria and indices                   regarding the evaluation of the Roma children and their development. View-                   ing Roma “backwardness” as a multiple issue, she defi ned the source block- issue, she defined the source block-                   ing their social integration, in combination with the concept of social-cultural                                                                                            85","retardation transferred from generation to generation and aggravated by an             ‘unhealthy mode of life'. The authors directly determined the implementation             of social norms by using a particular anthropometric profile constructed upon             the average Czech: “it (anthropometric norms – V.S.) operates as the essentials for             successful socialisation” (Malá 1985). Contrasting anthropometric characteris-             tics of the Roma to those of the ethnic majority, Mala differentiated the Roma             children into those who were raised in families and institutions. She noted the             positive impact of residential care on the anthropometric profile of the Roma             children, who were significantly not different from their non-Roma peers in             contrast to those who remained at home with families: “in their physical de-             velopment, the Roma students who learn in boarding schools for considerable             length of time can be placed between their Czech peers and the Roma children             from families” (ibid). Highlighting the role of anthropometric features, Malá             reinstated the issue of parenting – directly connecting the unhealthy patterns             of the Roma mothers‘ behaviour during the pregnancy to the further prob-             lems of the child‘s development (Malá and Hajni�ová 1984). Due to the modest             success in the socialisation of the Roma and the high birth rate typical of this             ethnic group (by the middle of 1980s more than 40% of the Roma population             were children under 14, while the total number of children was less than 25%),             Malá suggested that the special boarding school should remain the long-term             strategy for socializing the Roma children. Based upon the study of Frantishek             Shtampach (1929), Malá arrived at the conclusion that the anthropometric in-             dexes of the Roma children became more compatible with their Czech peers –             but whose standards, in their turn, had significantly changed (Malá 1985). This             argument was coupled with the idea that the Roma children never paid their             arrears. Malá's surveys were well disseminated: she and her colleagues pub-             lished more than 20 articles from 1975 and two manuals, for higher education,             Somatologie a antropologie. Vysokoškolská učebnice. SPN Praha (the first edition             was published in 1976 and the last in 1981), and Výchova a vzděláváni cikánských             dětí a mládeže. SPN Praha (the first in 1982, and the last in 1989).                 Medicalising the discourse of the Roma child directly influenced the atti-             tude of educators –practitioners began to use arguments from anthropometric             surveys in favour of their strategy to control the Roma children. The irregular             school attendance was directly connected to smaller height and weight, and             the efforts to apply the Roma students to the “anthropometric norm” were             seen  as  grounds  for  ensuring  academic  achievement  (Vávrová  1979:  217).             Educators supplemented the anthropometric approach by studying laterality             and its functions. Št�pán (1976), for instance, explained the various issues of             speech development typical of the Roma children by their left-handedness.                86","The author mentioned four main factors fixing the left-hand pattern of ma-                   nipulation skills: the Roma families “are not in the habit of practicing activi-                   ties forcing children to use the right hand”; “the Roma children do not play                   with toys which would advance right-hand skills, and their play activities                   have nothing in common with the traditional preschool games aimed to pre-                   pare children for learning'. Moreover, Št�pán continued, “unhealthy nutrition                   negatively influences neural development and precisely aggravates eye-hand                   coordination” – which according to Št�pán remains a key factor of academic                   success. In general, “the life of the Roma children mostly flows outside or                   on the oldest districts of our cities, where the oligophrenic Gypsy children in                   their semi-wild games, trimming sticks and tossing stones would use the hand                   which is dominant according to their phenotype” (Št�pán 1976).                      Compatible with the psychologising of the Roma child, the trend to medi-                   calise it juxtaposed the depreciation of families and children. The lack of basic                   personal hygiene of the Roma parents was directly linked with contagious                   and parasitic diseases, infant mortality, and obstacles for acquiring socially ac-                   cepted patterns of behaviour. Alongside, the menta and physical development                   of the Roma children was constructed in terms of retardation because of bad                   conditions for their mental development.                                                  CONCLUSIONS                       While the communicative discourse around the Roma people including                   their education experienced significant changes during the socialist period,                   the coordinative discourse remained the successor of the practices and con-                   cepts which had first appeared in previous periods. In line with the interwar                   triangle of principles regarding the Roma children «backward family – social-                   ized institution –negative effect of social and hereditary factors», the socialist                   experts construed their arguments in favour of special education which had                   evolved towards the most extreme degree of segregation – marking all Roma                   children as “mentally retarded”.                      The professionalization of the discourse around the Roma children aimed                   to consolidate psychological knowledge (both Western and Soviet) and the                   medical approach into a coherent theory about deficient childhood and par-                   enthood as exemplified by the Roma people. The obvious intention of experts                   to combine biological and social factors into the comprehensive explanation                   ensured the legitimacy of removing the Roma children from their families and                   their placement into residential care units. Anthropometry remained the most                   visible theoretical approach in studying the specific traits of the Roma and                                                                                            87","conditioned other directions of studying the Roma children. The experts inter-             posed the insufficiency of the Roma language in their traditional intolerance             towards the Roma mode of life, with arguments regarding the irresponsible             Roma parenting. Additionally, the credibility of such arguments was guar-             anteed by the status of experts who mostly combined teaching and applied             research. The majority of authors who published their articles in professional             periodicals were educators and principals in special schools.                 “The main reason to view the Roma children as a very specific group, who             require very special attention in education and growing up, is based on the             significant difference of the biological, cultural, and socio-economic condi-             tions regarding the formation of this ethnic group in contrast to the majority             of our population”. This argument, voiced by Helena Malá in 1984, remained             the most popular explanation for the system of special Roma education to this             day. Special education was combined with social control of the Roma people.             Solving a wide range of issues, from monitoring reproductive patterns to lim-             iting criminal activity amongst the Roma youth, special education gained the             status of universal strategy in the array of instruments for solving the Roma             issue. According to it, and with great probability, the Roma child would be             placed into a special school. Is it possible to break this vicious circle without             a redefinition of the professional attitudes regarding more modern notions of             childhood, parenthood and ethnicity?                                                 88","CHAPTER 5                             Models of Legitimizing Inclusive Education                      in the Czech Rep.: What Ambitions May Come                       16                                    INCLUSIVE EDUCATION IN THE CZECH REP.:                                           MISSION IMPOSSIBLE?                      According to the international and national-level legal norms, inclusive                   education obtains the legal status in the contemporary Czech Rep.. The Law                   about Education (2004) prescribes mainstream educational units to integrate                   children with special educational needs, especially those who are disabled                   or live in vulnerable conditions, primarily Roma origin. The European Court                   of Human Rights (European Court… 2007) had directly marked the practice                   of placing Roma children into special schools as segregation. This obviously                   tough definition of special education stipulates the constant pressure of EU                   on the Czech state towards more intensive distribution of inclusive practices                   among educators. Between 2007–2010 the Ministry of education, youth and                   sport made several attempts for introducing special regulations regard to the                   implementation of obligations towards disseminating inclusive approaches in                   educational system. At the beginning two special regulations, No 62 “About                   assessment and counselling services” aimed at transforming the procedures                   of evaluating child development before engaging primary school in order to                   replace previously dominated focus on diagnosis on describing needs and                   strengths, and No 116 “About establishing inclusive education” targeted to                   posing standards in terms of how many children with SEN could be placed                   and professionals should be recruited, were frozen on uncertain length of time                   due to the request of local educational authorities, and then were annulled be-                   cause of “limited resources for seamless transfer to the new approach towards                   educating children with SEN”. (MŠMT 2011).                      Alongside, the surveys conducted among main stakeholders of inclusive                   education  educators,  parents  of  both  disabled  and  intact  children,  assures                   that the contemporary Czech Rep. needs to develop public discourse around                    16	 This	chapter	was	written	in	coopertion	with	Dr.	Karel	Panchocha,	the	early	version	of	this	text	was	published                      in	 the  Journal  of  social  policy  studies	 in	 2013,	 11(4),	 547–560.	 Available	 at:	 http://jsps.hse.ru/2013-11-                      4/107169837.html                                                                                           89","disability, education and childhood, which would be relevant to the objects             of inclusion (Průchová 2008). Despite existing financial opportunities provid-             ed by projects Honest school (Ferová �kola) and Community school (Komunitní             �kola) which cover the expenses regarding the recruitment of additional staff             and purchasing of relevant equipment, less than 1% of school have taken part             in such projects. To experts' opinion, more than half of schools which obtained             the status “inclusive” are situated in localities of Roma population permanent             residence, and the participation in such projects aims to equip a school by             professionals in order to bring teaching process more in line with special edu-in order to bring teaching process more in line with special edu-bring teaching process more in line with special edu-             cation. In response to several attempts of principals to integrate children with             SEN into mainstream schools, the parents of intact children started to remove             their children to more prestigious and less inclusive schools. The monitoring             of 60 schools randomly chosen by Ombudsman in 2011 approved the frag-             mentary development of inclusion and the minimal number of children with             SEN in mainstream school (Informace o pln�ní 2012). While the number of             students at special schools has declined after issuing the Law about Educa-             tion (2004) which restricted options for placing children into such educational             units, the number of children with SEN placed into special classes at main-             stream schools has increased. If in 2005/2006 less than 5% of students in main-             stream schools had special educational needs, and each fifth of them learnt in             special classes, in 2012/2013 two thirds of the same share of students with SEN             learnt in special classes х (Ústav… 2013).                 Inclusive education as an embodiment of social integration and democratic             governance, the priorities of EU social policy, can be viewed in the contexts of             legitimacy – how do citizens accept new political trends in terms of eligibility             (Shmidt 2013: 9). Inclusive education in the contemporary Czech Rep. is legal             but not enough legitimized. Such point of view on the obstacles of inclusive             policy in the Czech Rep. encourages applying the approach which differenti-             ates diverse types of legitimacy in order to reconstruct the issue in terms of the             resources of legitimizing reforms and following changes.                                LEGITIMACY: OVERLOADING MATRIX?                  Primarily three types of legitimacy, input, output, throughput, were differ-             entiated in order to recognise diverse models of local governance in Western             countries compatible with the matrix of welfare state regimes (Haus, Heinelt             2005). The Scandinavian profile was associated with the predominance of in�             put-legitimacy based upon the direct participation of citizens; throughput�le�             gitimacy was connected with the Anglo-Saxon profile providing transparence                90","and consistency of procedures as a guarantee of the access for citizens to de-                   cision-making process especially in the case of the conflict between a citizen                   and authorities; and output legitimacy was affiliated with corporatist regime                   which would achieve the legitimate status only being relevant to the citizens'                   expectations. The European integration and the sequence of crises directly                   challenging the ideal types of welfare regimes stipulated scholars to coincide                   all three types into the consistent array of criteria for the multilevel evalua-                   tion of strengths and weaknesses regarding the process of democratisation                   (Bekkers 2007). For instance, local governance was posed as a cyclic succes- 2007). For instance, local governance was posed as a cyclic succes-                   sion of all three legitimacies typical of any type of welfare state – while one                   types operate better than others. Previously typical contradiction between                   input� and output-legitimacies has been overcome within redefining the role                   of throughput legitimacy as a connecting element between two other types                   of legitimacy, which ensures the balance of participation, and policy making                   (Shmidt 2013).                      Despite significant differences in recognising the types of legitimacy and                   their impact on the current policy, experts converge on evaluating Europe-                   an policy as over-focused on output legitimacy against other types (Peters,                   Pierre 2010; Shmidt 2013). The predominance of output legitimacy is closely                   linked with prescribing citizens the position of recipients not active partici-                   pants of political processes (Scharpf 1999). In Belgium, inclusive education                   runs into problems because of shortcomings in parents' involvement: while                   local authorities have established the network of services aimed at advanc-                   ing  inclusive  practices,  parents  prefer  to  place  their  children  into  special                   units even more residential care centres, explaining their decisions by the                   disinclination to waste their time and participate in complicated procedures                   (Sebrechts, Jef 2012).                      There are diverse ways for answering on the question how to ensure                   consistent legitimacy regarding the variety of attitudes to the connection be-                   tween ideas and institutions which remain key elements of constructing the                   notion of legitimacy (Shmidt 2013). Those who prioritise institutional pro-                   file in explaining focus on gatekeeping procedures: assessment and place-                   ment of child into school, management of diverse educational trajectories,                   decision-making regarding the role of parents and other actors in the case of                   the conflict of interests. The proponents of discourse-analysis highlight the                   communication between actors which is equalised with the space of ideas                   and the contests between them. The diversity of discourses provides the con-                   tinuum of ideas for further affiliation of actors and their emancipation from                   the previous prescriptions in favour of more pluralistic concept of inclusion.                                                                                            91","Applying both perspectives, institutional and discursive, to the issue of in-             clusive education and its legitimacy enables to avoid contrasting adherers             and opponents of inclusive education, develop the consistent notion of oper-             ating practices either encouraging or blocking the reforms towards integrat-             ing children with special needs.                   LEGITIMISING INCLUSION: THE IMPACT OF PROFESSIONALS                  The debates around special and inclusive education turned to the tough             contest in the end of the 1990s due to several factors: introducing a more com-             plex notion of inclusion in policy making (Pickering, Busse 2010); redefining             traditional concepts of childhood and parenthood (Honig 1999; Kehily 2009);             challenging fundamental objects of educational system and its placement in             social relations (Andreotti 2011). Emancipating social sciences from the task             to serve the interests of authorities incited the systematic revision of the con-             cepts and theories that legitimised the task to control, prescribed to social             knowledge the status of expert's opinion, attributed children and parents to             the position of passive recipients. The new one, sociological approach to this             array of concepts elaborated the line of reasoning against previous traditional             ideas through explaining what drove them to leading position in public dis-             courses and professional attitudes as well. Thus, the noticeable success of clas-             sical developmental psychology in the 20  century directly was stipulated by                                                   th             theorizing mainstream ideas of child and parenthood disseminated in the 19 th             century (Kehily 2009). Recognising political and cultural underpinning of con-Kehily 2009). Recognising political and cultural underpinning of con- 2009). Recognising political and cultural underpinning of con-             cepts that are taken for granted, e.g. progressive nature of child development             or mother-child attachment, adapted redefining both the theoretical grounds             and traditional practices of upbringing and education. The contemporary crit-             ical review of “apparent” ideas around childhood and parenthood map spe-             cial education and other practices relevant to inclusion/exclusion dichotomy             in terms of actors and the manipulative strategies that advance their interests             (McKeever, Miller 2004; Walkerdine 2009).                 The contemporary childhood studies aim to overcome the dilemma bio-             logical factors vs. social factors typical of pre-sociological approaches. con-             trasting bio- and socio permeates the formation of two main strands of spe-             cial education: (1) normalization of disabled children and (2) placement of             disabled children in special conditions relevant to their specific characteris-             tics (James, Jenks, Prout 2003). Despite the difference in the approaches to             explaining the driving forces of mental development and mental retardation,             both platforms highlighted the role of expert as an agent of control under the                92","situation around disabled person. Contemporary critics interpret this com-                   mon point as a source of limiting inclusion as a practice that proclaimes the                   equality of professionals and other actors: parents, children, and people from                   close surroundings. If inclusion calls for new approaches to childhood, par-                   enthood and disability relevant to the task to implement Human Rights, the                   dichotomy bio vs. socio should be overcome in favour of a more complex no-                   tion of relevant notions. One of the main sources for elaborating alternative                   approaches becomes the widespread idea of twofold temporality of contem-                   porary child who simultaneously lives in two domains, (1) becoming more                   equipped for future adulthood (in terms of socialisation) and (2) being here                   and now (prescribing a child's life meaning upon the idea of autonomy and                   dignity without any connotation to potential worthiness of a child as an usable                   citizen) (Zeiher 2008). In line with the double nature of contemporary child-Zeiher 2008). In line with the double nature of contemporary child- 2008). In line with the double nature of contemporary child-                   hood, many experts define mental development as a not homogeneous often                   internally contradicted process (Burman 2006).                      Complicating  approaches  towards  childhood  directly  connects  human                   capital and human rights, two main strands for drawing arguments in fa-                   vour of inclusion, into the ground dilemma of education for disabled people.                   Compatible with obvious obstacles in achieving the balance of two temporal                   domains of childhood, human capital and human rights are positioned in mu-                   tual contest due to various difficulties in working out a strategy for integrating                   these values into a coherent platform for advancing inclusive practices. The                   arguments in favour of human capital are criticized for bounding the role of                   childhood by the task to prepare to the adult life and the mission of education –                   by  teaching  main  competencies  (Thomas,  Loxley  2007). Alongside,  the  ap-Thomas,  Loxley  2007). Alongside,  the  ap-,  Loxley  2007). Alongside,  the  ap-Loxley  2007). Alongside,  the  ap-  2007). Alongside,  the  ap-                   proach of Human rights leads the inclusive education to the struggle of inter-                   ests – e.g. between adherers of inclusive and special education (Tickly, Barrett                   2011). Avoiding the risk to fall into one of these extremes directly depends on                   existing options to practice diverse approaches in local contexts. Thus, solv-                   ing the dilemma of human capital vs. human rights puts forward the role of                   those actors who would do it in their routine professional practice – teaching                   children, cooperating with parents, making decisions related to the placement                   of children with SEN.                      Since the 1960s, the confrontation of independent teachers against schools                   as outmode institution oppressing children has been expanded not only in                   the practice of alternative teaching methods, but become one of the most                   popular genre of the mass culture (e.g. the book Up the Down Staircase by Bel                   Kaufman, 1965, and the film based on it, R. Mulligun, 1967). During the                   second part of the 1980s and until now, the idea of opposition between                                                                                            93","teachers who were on the side of students and the school as a segregative bu-             reaucratic machine has evoked several cohorts of books reflecting the experi-             ence of real teachers, their stories and methods. The popular filmmakers and             actors transferred this trend in mainstream cinematograph: Stand and deliver,             by R. Menéndez, 1988; Dangerous minds, by J. Smith, 1995; The Ron Clark             story, by R. Haines 2006; Freedom writers, by Richard LaGravenese, 2007 and             many others. The image of teacher as a person who defends the traditional             approaches towards educating children with special needs has gathered si-             multaneously with recognizing and articulating the hot topics of inclusion:             the conflict between integrating into wider society (e.g. “white” Americans)             and keeping the affiliation with the original community (e.g. Latin American             immigrants); dilemma of individual approach vs. the intention to intervene             with more students due to the demand, etc.                 Along with the necessity to activate parents and children, the consis-             tent revision of the approaches towards educating puts forward the atti-             tudes of professionals both scholars and practitioners as an indispensable             condition for the sustainable development of inclusion in terms of their             ability  to  provide  consistent  redefinition  of  the  concepts  around  child-             hood, education, disability. Being distinguished by various shortcomings             and obstacles, the current situation around the inclusive education in the             Czech Rep. prompts to deepen our understanding the role of epistemic             communities through analysing the deficiency of their models of legiti-             mising inclusive education.                      THE MODELS OF LEGITIMIZING INCLUSIVE EDUCATION:                                OSTENSIBLE CONTRADICTIONS?                  Due to the task to derive the current operating models of legitimising in-             clusive education, we analysed two audio-records and supplementary materi-             als of public debates around the relevant issues (the problem of selective ap-             proach to framing contemporary school system in the Czech Rep., within the             project The Czech Republic talks about education – Česko mluví o vzd�lávání             http://ceskomluvi.cz/tema-3-je-pravdive-tvrzeni-ze-na-nasich-skolach-prilis-             brzy-rozdelujeme-deti-na-schopne-a-mene-schopne/;  the  role  of  inclusive             schools in integrating children with special needs http://www.msmt.cz/vzde-             lavani/socialni-programy/kulaty-stul-k-problematice-inkluzivniho-vzdel-             avani. The main reasons to rely on this source of information were: (1) the             array of participants who were key stakeholders of inclusive education: schol-             ars who monitor the projects targeted to disseminate inclusion; officials who                94","lead relevant Departments in the Ministry of education and ministry of labour                   and social affairs; school principals and teachers of the schools which have                   started to implement inclusive practices; civil rights activists who lobby inclu-; civil rights activists who lobby inclu-                   sion; and (2) the comprehensive range of practices which were discussed, not                   only direct teaching, but gatekeeping procedures, decision making related to                   a choice of educational trajectory, and the involvement of parents as well; (3)                   a high level publicity of these debates which were posted on the most popular                   e-sources and discussed by public. The soft  NVivo was applied in order to co-. The soft NVivo was applied in order to co-                   incide the attitudes of various actors into the models of legitimising inclusive                   education. Three relevant models were identified: (1) inclusion as a toolkit for                   individualising teaching\&learning process and general refinement of school                   environment; (2) inclusion as an institute of the joint education for children                   from different social segments and ethnic groups; (3) inclusion as an ideology                   that transforms the array of attitudes towards education and its operation.                                  INCLUSION	IN	ACTION:	THE	PRACTITIONERS'	APPROACH                      Mostly, teachers and school managers pose inclusion as a very usable but                   expensive toolkit for individualisng education:                      “the quality of inclusion remains exceptionally financial matter: how many spe�                   cial educators could I recruit, how many hours des psychologist spend with students,                   what ways of motivating teachers are accessible for me” (principal). This position                   is directly connected with the intention to saturate the school space by profes-                   sionals who would be directly focused on children with special needs: “the                   project assists us to involve speech therapist, helping professional for children with                   behavioural problems, clinic psychologist” (principal). Alongside, the professional                   qualities of mainstream teachers were under discussion rarely and mostly re-                   garding the requirement to decrease the number of students in a class: “There                   is no any option to bring into action individual approach while there are 30                   children in the class” (school psychologist).                      The necessity of inclusion is posed as an indispensable for public security:                   “The selection in able and disable aggravates the misunderstanding between                   children from different social and ethnic groups, with different level of abili-                   ties. And it is a great challenge for the contemporary public life” (principal).                   simultaneously, the education is defined as directly attributed to public life                   and its trends: “Marx had not achieved a success trying to persuade in ab-                   solute equality between everyone – what do you expect from schools? You                   could not force a reach man to drink in shabby beerhouse and poor man to                   eat with knife and fox. Then why have we force parents to choose in favour of                   inclusive school? ” (principal). According to this, the main object of education                                                                                            95","refers to individualizing the strategies towards refining human capital assets:             “The high-quality education? It is education “for all” or that which is able to             get adjusted to the needs of every child and to indicate the most efficient way             of social integration?” (school psychologist). The obvious priority of human             capital under human rights closely links with the predominance of child be-             coming discourse that was typical of participants.                 Despite quite a few number of utterances about the attitude to childhood,             mostly of them highlighted the assessment of child's abilities and its role in             planning educational process. The meaning of emotional ties in terms of child             being discourse was mentioned by two principles exceptionally in their com-             ments to their own parental not professional experience: “I have two boys. Me             and my wife we are attentive to their feelings – what do they like in school,             and what stops being attractive” (principal). While these utterances originated             from the private personal domain, the attitude to disability was constructed             exceptionally in terms of individualised control: “The boy with autism likes             being engaged in looking boiler-facility – that's why I should go together with             him and take the chance to improve my understanding” (principal).                 In this model, the predominance of output-legitimation is characterized by             noncritical acceptance of the values regarding achievement and stratification             that are posed as the unalterable traits of recent life. Even more, the perma-             nence of these values is taken as a core argument in favour of the individual-             ized approach to children which remains segregated in its intention.                                   INCLUSION	AS	AN	AGENT	OF	CHANGES                 Scholars, higher school lecturers who affiliated with Human Rights move-             ment and NGO activists have presented the further model of legitimizing in-             clusion education through its posing as a new institution which revises the             idea of efficient education. According to this camp of stakeholders, the selec-             tive approach and the formal criteria of academic achievements remains the             main challenge for sustainable development of inclusion:                  there are schools focusing on outcomes and in contrast to them the schools which                 intend to promote good climate and relationship. I wish that the second type would                 be uppermost in the Czech Rep., and our teachers would be able to think not                 only about marks but about what does a child learn and under which conditions                                                  (higher school lecturer, activist NGO).                 Alongside, the one of key arguments for the priority of relationships was             obviously better academic outcomes, which would be achieved easier:                   96","It is important to recognize that where the staff cares about a peaceful mood,                      knowledge are acquired better and without over efforts                                                                            (NGO activist).                      Relevant to this, often repeated utterances regarding child being subordi-                   nate this realm of childhood to the task to prepare child to future life:                       a child should not be limited in his/her feelings, it is important to teach express�                      ing them and control – all of these competencies are ultimately demanded by the                      modern labour market                                                                            (NGO activists).                       A definitely sensitive topic of testing children in order to indicate a par-                   ticular educational trajectory mostly was discussed in the context what should                   be tested and which indices should be taken into account:                       All these classical tests – what do they bring on the practitioners… we need to                      know which social competencies are missed…                                                                            (NGO activist).                      More general concept of education supplemented the importance of so-                   cial competencies by the necessity to teach them on-time: “if child would not                   be taught in 10–12 years integrating in the collective of peers (s)he would be                   lost for normal life, labour market for next 50 years” (higher school lecturer).                   Alongside, the confidence to childhood as an array of sensitive periods closely                   connects the mission of education with the task of socialization and indepen-                   dent life skills:                       The issue of education for Roma children is not the question only related to the                      equal access but potential profit – the problem consists of not the lack of money                      for integration but our current over�costs for residential care and further total                      dependence of graduates on social benefits                                                                   (Human rights activists).                       Compatibly with the previous model of legitimising inclusion, the frame-                   work of arguments provided by the most progressive epistemic communities                   prescribes the most influential role to the environment, but in terms of its neg-                   ative impact on child development and the intention to view societal driving                   forces as a comprehensive explanation:                      Not some anthropological specific traits but outrageous poverty explains us why                      does Roma child not differentiate circle from square                                                                    (Human Rights activist).                                                                                               97","Inclining to societal driving forces as totally negative, adherers of total in-             clusion as an institution of social integration pay more attention to profession-             als than children and parents who remains the recipients:                 We do not need any special efforts from our side to involve parents into process                 like in Norway: teachers should establish special contact hours and apply not too                 complicated activities…                                                               (the manager of NGO ).                  If  the  previous  model  appealed  to  authorities  which  should  run  the             process  of  funding  inclusion,  the  ideologists  of  institutional  reform  define             a school principle as key agent of changes: “If school principales remain those who             do not intend changing the vision of education what could we expect from others?”             (researcher). Civil society activists consider that authorities are obliged to en-             courage those principles who advance inclusion, even it is not still well spread             in the relations between central and local levels of educational management:             “The principal who operates according to marketing rules could get more support than             the principal who has a know�how and tries to become an agent of changes. Neither             local authorities nor mass media would encourage such things… ” (NGO activist).                 In this model, the argument in favour of output-legitimation links the role             of inclusive school and the task to teach children new competencies more im-             portant for contemporary social life than the current standards regulating the             Czech mainstream education.                                INCLUSION	AS	A	NEW	IDEOLOGICAL	PLATFORM                 The officials, representatives of Departments and Ministries, derived from             the inclusive education the frames for a new ideology of education aimed at             transforming the relationships between different levels of educational system:             central departments, local authorities, and schools. How do schools provide             the equal access for everyone has become the central issue of the new approach             towards systematic monitoring under the schools: “From the very beginning it             is important to know how many children with SEN are in school, and it is the point”             (specialist of school inspection panel)                 Compatibly with previously discussed models of legitimising inclusion,             this  model  does  not  pay  attention  to  gatekeeping  in  terms  of  procedures,             which regulate the diversity of educational trajectories and the access to them.             The main concern related to the testing system was connected with the urgent             need to revise the academic grounds of operating approach: “We are required             to introduce other theoretical framework for testing which would be able to measure             not a child's abilities but his/her needs” (specialist of Ministry of education). The                98","focus on the theoretical grounds disposed participants to explain main issues                   of inclusive education by the shortcomings of teachers' knowledge: “Our peda�                   gogical faculties are like from another planet, they just are not able to train teachers                   for implementing such task as inclusion” (specialist of regional department of                   education).                      In many utterances, the needs of children were opposed to the capacities                   of environment: “compatible with families, schools face away from these children                   (Roma – V.S., K.P.), even schools are the first among those who should compensate the                   gaps of environment” (specialist of regional Department of education). The lack                   of consensus among main actors, schools and families, regarding the indices                   of high-quality education was viewed as a main consequence of existing in-                   sensitivity of local authorities to the opinion of the actors within schools: “The                   quality of education mentions different: for children it is enough options for having                   good time, for parents it is the output of their investments in the child's education,                   and for teachers – the external assessment of schools from various panels” (specialist                   of the Ministry of education).                      Thus, the role of central authorities is led to the task to translate the rel-                   evant approach to measuring the quality of education: “We should coincide                   the efforts of schools and the outcomes of students” (specialist of the Min-                   istry of education). If previously discussed models of legitimizing inclusion                   focused on various types of outputs expected from the inclusion, this model                   had highlighted main conditions for bringing them into action: the revision of                   the theoretical grounds for testing and monitoring under the supervision of                   central authorities.                                                  CONCLUSIONS                       The inclusive education calls for coherent legitimising: input legitimation                   provides the participation and informal networking, throughput legitimation                   ensures the fair gatekeeping procedures, and output legitimation poses new                   standards. Pluralizing the approaches to disability, childhood and education                   towards more complex notion correlates with transforming the functions of                   actors participating in educational policy primarily key epistemic communi-                   ties: scholars, managers and pedagogues. The previous mission of epistemic                   communities, to work out the theoretical platform for the state policy, has                   been replaced by advancing academic autonomy as an indispensable condi-                   tion for transparent contesting procedures around implementing the rights                   of disabled children. Compatibly with other spheres of public life in the con-                   temporary EU social policy, inclusive education runs into problems with the                                                                                            99","comprehensive strategy towards its legitimizing, and the case of the Czech             Rep. provides more detailed picture of current shortcomings.                 Our survey has evidenced the variety of models for legitimising inclusive             education among the Czech epistemic communities: practitioners, academics,             and officials. The task to map the current field of public policy around inclu-             sive education was beyond our ambitions, but the models, which we have             constructed, incline us to think that the array of contemporary actors is distin-             guished by mutual contesting as well as common lack of the practices towards             redefining their approaches.                 Despite obvious differences in recognizing main conditions for sustain-             able development of inclusive education, actors have coincided in their ar-             guments in favour of inclusive education because of its usability, which they             attributed to output legitimation based upon the positive outcomes of prac-             ticing inclusive education as ultimately more efficient and fashion version of             education. The predominance of output legitimation closely connects with the             consensual intention to transform the space of school not to reconstruct the             whole framework of educational system. The systematic lack regarding other             types of legitimation blocks recognizing the main targets of reforms which are             demanded for disseminating inclusive practices, prescribes over-meaning to             organising the process of teaching but neglects the issue of other procedures             e.g. of making decision, involving parents, providing the options for children             to be heard, etc.                                                100","Summary                          In terms of methodological approaches, this book puts together eugenic                   studies and the segregation of Roma in order to indicate the new approaches                   to exploring the impact of the past on the current policies and routine practices                   in postsocialist world. It is possible to differentiate two camps of social scien-                   tists who practice historical method for reinforcing their attitudes towards the                   segregation of the Roma. In terms of retrospective analysis, both camps focus                   on the socialist period as a source of current issues regarding Roma, their dis-                   crimination and the intractability of practices. The main difference between                   these camps is the way of explaining the issue of segregation. Performed by                   applied scientists who study the strategies for well-balanced co-existence of                   the Czech and Roma, the first camp of scholars reproduces various essential-                   ist  concepts  regarding  Roma  –  putting  forward  the  insuperable  difference                   between the “white” majority and Roma as a call for more tolerant attitude.                   Utilising  transhistorical  disclosure  of  “traditional”  values,  the  other  camp                   leads the sources of segregation to the inappropriate discourses disseminated                   amongst public as well as professionals. Catching others in the act of produc-                   ing essentialist notion, these scholars often criticise the first camp but remain                   unable to construct the sustainable alternative to segregation. While the criti-                   cal response to the first camp connects it with the previous practices and poli-                   cies of segregation, the critical deconstruction of postsocialist transhistorism                   ensures the necessity of deeper contextualization in order to recognise options                   for sustainable integration.                      In the 1970s, the majority of constructivist theories recruited historicity in                   order to manufacture phenomena as constituted by the past but recent past –                   in contrast to taken-for granted suggestions about the role of women, dis-                   ability, childhood, sexuality, ethnos as generated by the long history of hu-                   man wisdom. Consistently prescribing the origin of common sense notions                   to modernity, scholars like Judith Butler, Michel Foucault, Erika Burman and                   many others redefined the attitudes and norms towards disclosing the connec-                   tion between stigmatisation and thinking in pseudo-historical categories. The                   search of arguments against biologism and essentialism directly stipulated the                   reinforcement of historical approach in the second-wave feminism (Blencowe                   2011).  However,  historicising  the  production  of  common  sense  in  order  to                   criticise it, this cohort of scholars could not avoid the consuming fewer of his�                   tory, the point introduced by Nitzsche in his essay On the “Use and Abuse of                   History for Life” (Vom Nutzen und Nachteil der Historie für das Leben, 1874), who                                                                                            101","led the role of history to the manipulation by humans in order to command             various models of imitations against authentic life. Precisely, this Nitzschien             metaphor gained widespread later within the systematic critique of histori-             cism regarding uncrossable opposition between the history of local objects             reach of details but weak of ideas and the history of events full of deep mean-             ings but fully discursive (Honkanen 2005). In line with the revised historical             approach, sex/gender schema has started to be criticised due to its obvious             dichotomy (Blencowe 2011: 19).                 Mainly, the crisis of historicising social issues is reported as the twoness             made up of overdescriptiveness on one side and overgeneralization on the             other. Prioritising the role of material objects, historicism inevitably misses the             systematic analysis of gathered data and remains empirical due to particular             localisation of derived knowledge. Constructing the concept of events, tran-             shistoral approach over-amplifies theoretical frameworks loosing particular             contexts. Both antagonists and devotees of historical method desire themselves             achieving the balance between specification and theorization, contextualiza-             tion and empathetic reflection – either applying transhistorical constructions             or immersing in the past. Nevertheless, theoretically informed historiography             directly depends on the empathy establishing connections of the scholar to the             subject of studies (LaCapra 2004: 503).                 The boom of constructivist approach had come by the historical sciences             in socialist countries due to the predominance of dialectical materialism lead-             ing the task to explore the past to the determination of political regime by             macroeconomic factors. Being as much as possible distant from the point of no             return for applying the Marxism-Leninism vision, the material history become             only one available alternative to avoid over-ideologised methodology. Study-             ing social issues in terms of retrospective contexts was not a priority because of             the general view on socialism as a social order producing equality and exclud-             ing any chance for discrimination. Mostly, segregation presented as a fetish of             dark past and the evidence for better life in socialism. For instance, labelling             the interwar policy against Roma in Czechoslovakia as discriminative oper-             ated in favour of propaganda and stressed much more positive conditions for             Roma in socialist state. Remarkably, that after 1989 very compatible cliché ap-             plied for exploring the socialist policy around Roma as totally discriminative             and prescribing the responsibility of current issues to the previous stage and             its consequences. Negating the past blocks recognising the path dependence,             which would be indicated within understanding the continuities between so-             cialist and previous stages. But this option was extremely limited because of             rapid dissemination of transhistorical approach after the Velvet revolution                102","Gaining  the  access  to  Western  theories,  postsocialist  scientists  were  se-                   duced by transhistorical approach easily coinciding with other constructiv-                   ist approach to history, Marxism-Leninism. Mainly, the critical analysis aims                   to disclose discourses – even the historical contexts, institutional frames and                   procedures remain unknown and disconnected with the discourse-analysis.                   Criticising contemporary segregative practices, many scholars simply transfer                   the frames created for the critical deconstruction of Western history of ideas to                   the postsocialist contexts. The critical analysis of biopolitics, pre-sociological                   theories, essentialism equalises the (post)socialist contexts with their Western                   counterparts. Labelling the socialist ideas as backward, such critique offers new                   approaches but out of the historical contexts different for the socialist coun-                   tries. Forfeiting previous attitudes as inappropriate due to their discriminative                   risks, those who would share the anti-discriminative rhetoric remain limited                   in the sustainable evolvement of alternatives. Because of decontextualisation                   of socialist background, recognising discriminative approaches remains lim-                   ited by general evaluation beyond understanding the particular contexts and                   background. Understanding segregation in terms of backward practices com-                   mon for different regions, postsocialist scholars fall in postcolonial attitudes –                   thinking about the alternatives in terms of progressive measures opposing                   to regressive socialist past. Missing the array of interconnected contexts, such                   scholars reproduce the colonial discourses combining them with quite neutral                   contemporary theories in order to achieve the relevance to current “fashion” of                   social ideas. Such experiences note the specific risks of applying transhistorical                   approach to postsocialist public life and social science: the artificial separation                   of socialist period from the previous times concentrates on the discreteness and                   misses continuities. The case of eugenics brings the issue of juxtaposing both                   elements of timeline to a head of methodological approach due to the obvious                   but hardly described impact of the past on the contemporaries. Fixing in the                   practices and ideological platforms of various epistemic communities, the his-                   tory of eugenics provokes them not only identify the mutual determination of                   professionalising their practices, institutionalising segregation and theorising                   common sense, but discerns limits for developing integrative strategies.                      There is no paradox of more emphatic demands to historicism from its crit-                   ics – who accept the necessity of exploring backgrounds but on the assumption                   of getting the thick description especially in the case of such ambiguous issues                   as the segregation of the Roma or disabled people. While the history of segrega-                   tion is full of misconceptions (e.g. regarding the decisive role of socialist period                   in fixing discrimination against the Roma and disabled) and still uncrossed                   gaps (e.g. interlinks between the interwar time and further periods), the task                                                                                           103","to obtain capable standpoint on the role of the past expects equipping such             investigations by the concepts derived from contemporary social sciences. But             is it acceptable in terms of the historical plausibility – to recognise the impact             of practices and policies belonging to the past on contemporary approaches?                 Eugenics studies demand the recognition of proto-eugenics era and the             thought-kernels  evolving  into  eugenic  movement.  Contemporary  Western             scholarship of the history of eugenics links its development with various mor-             al and religious campaigns to revitalise the nation, as illustrated, for example,             by the Medizinische Polizey, a popular treatise in German�speaking countries during             the Enlightenment (Labisch 1992); the movement against national degeneration in             Great Britain (Young 1980); the social marketing of charity in the USA based upon             the idea of prevention against social diseases (Ordover 2003). In CEE countries,             the timeline of eugenics studies should take into account the history of iter-             ated attaining and loosing of sovereignty over the 20th century. The late im-             perial period became the era of proto-eugenics when nationalist movements             claimed the role of their own language, culture and history as prerequisites             for demanding independence and sovereignty. The specific or even unique             mode of life was also posed as the element of building nation as well as the             attempts to recognise the markers of nations becoming more consistent during             and after the WWI. The proto-eugenics phase due to the history of confron-             tation between Austria-Hungarian Empire and its enclaves gains increasing             significance in recognising the specific trajectory of eugenics in CEE countries.             The process of emancipating from Austria-Hungarian Empire required argu-             ments against the interest of empire, and eugenics started to serve the task to             argue inappropriateness of imperial approach in terms of national specifics.             The first chapter follows the step-by-step coinciding of eugenic ideas and the             movement in favour of building the nation.                 The interwar period prescribed eugenics the decisive role in the debates             around boarders and nations. It is reasonable to talk about very specific function             of eugenics during the interwar period when precisely eugenicists converted             the ideas produced in late imperial period within building nation movements             into the platform of social policy. Participating in forming the national identity,             early eugenics substantiated the special mission of those who should take the             core responsibility of the health of the nation: future generations and actors             empowered to raise them, primarily educators, mothers and helping profes-             sionals who cared about the biggest treasure of the nation, children. Eugenics             legitimised the policy of the state ready to ensure the needs of citizens in trade             of their readiness to alienate their own autonomy in the name of the nation.             The second chapter aims to explore the two-side eugenic approach juxtaposing                104","selective and assimilative wings onto the coherent scale for substantiating the                   discriminative approach to deviant, disabled and Roma children.                      During the socialist period previously established practices and eugenic                   ideas (in terms of the health of the nation) continued affecting public life and                   professionals while such influence remained latent and unknown because of                   the ban on genetics in the USSR and the choice of vulgar Lamarckism. Lay-                   ing on common sense, eugenic discourse should be extremely attractive for                   socialist authorities in shaping public opinion about unfit groups (poor, Roma,                   homosexuals, etc…) and inclining citizens to behavioural patterns according                   to state’s interests (especially in such realms as marriage, parenting, labour                   hygiene). Undoubtedly, authorities recruited eugenic discourse in their public                   campaigns, while the historical analysis of such needs talk (in terms of Nancy                   Fraser) especially regarding CEE countries is not yet advanced. Taking into                   account the influence of eugenic discourse during the socialist period would                   implement two interrelated tasks: to indicate the continuity with previous pe-                   riods (e.g. in the Czech case interwar and Protectorate) and to circumstantiate                   the application of eugenic discourse during the socialist period. That histori-                   cal interval remains not enough discrete in terms of recognising the changes                   in institutional approaches and ideas related to the practices of segregation,                   while  précising  the  link  between  eugenics  and  the  socialist  policy  deepens                   understanding the current intractability of segregative practices and policies.                   Obviously, socialist authorities applied eugenic discouse for deligitimising par-                   ticular social groups marking them as degenerates, for forming the image of                   disabled and Roma people and recruiting people into new patterns of social                   policy as well. Permeating the socialist period by recognizing the reproduction                   of eugenic discourse in various realms assists to build the history of segregation                   into wider contexts. Two chapters, dedicated to the first after-war decades and                   the history of education for Roma, investigate reproducing eugenic discourse                   by socialist authorities and professionals in favour of solving various issues.                      Establishing timeline in order to measure the history of eugenics in terms                   of modernity – when did the concept compatible with contemporary ideas                   start  to  operate  and  how  was  it  evolved,  scholars  emancipate  themselves                   “from a dependency on universalising abstractions” (Hesford, Diedrich 2014:                   105) and expand that self-reflective intellectual history which focuses not only                   on meanings “but possibilities and limits of meaning” (LaCapra 2004: 502).                   Introducing such categories as experience and empathy to its methodologi-                   cal framework, such way of historical thinking localises multiple contexts re-                   garding the trend to globalise the social issues. Aiming to make social reality                   transparent – for those who need to interpret it, the histories of trauma and                                                                                           105","difference produce narrative devices – historicising current social issues and             speaking on behalf of a marginalized past (Hesford, Diedrich 2014: 107). Both,             the history of trauma and history of difference empower those who practice             the empathic search of the evidences of experience to reflect historical echoes –             incomplete reproductions of the past ideas and practices in order to replace             them with the comprehensive narrative based upon thick description.                 In contemporary segregation of the Roma and disabled, the eugenic echo             has become hearable – however, the task to study the segregation of the Roma             and disabled people challenges in two interrelated ways: through high politisa-             tion seducing by simplification and enormous number of gaps in data limiting             the recognition of the past and current status of the issue. Both challenges make             the studies of segregation very sensitive to theorising its sources and the strate-             gies of coping with it. The last chapter puts forward the issue of pseudo-diver-             sity of approaches presenting amongst key stakeholders of the policy towards             integration – the reform of inclusive education. We demonstrate how do vari-             ous epistemic communities reproduce pre-sociological attitudes and connect             inclusion with more understandable utilitarian approach missing any chance             for reflexivity and redefinition of educational aims. Revising the past remains             the indispensable prerequisite for setting such process.                 Thus, the core task is to juxtapose two methodological lenses, transhistor-             ism induing with theoretical frames and historicism providing the thick defi-             nition. In many surveys either historical or social, such convergence happens             of its own accord (LaCapra 2004). In fact, in simple gathering and handling             historical data which usually pretends to be purely historical it is possible to             recognise the attitude to driving forces, discourses of procedures or the affili-             ation with particular paradigms. In spite of aspirations to transfer theoretical             frames from one spatial and temporal realm to another, transhistorical studies             remain within their particular geographical and historical frontiers. The “di-             sautomatisation” of juxtaposing thranshistorical and historical frames seems             not only useful exercise for the scholars’ reflexivity but the essential practice             for crystallising historical recognition “against a formalistic, free-floating his-             tory of ideas and simultaneously against a reductionist, overly contextualiz-             ing … sociocultural history as well as an indiscriminate, methodological pop-             ulism “ (ibid: 512).                 Augmenting eugenics studies falls in expanded crisis of historical method,             and it impacts the scholars in a twofold way. On the one hand, compatibly             with other areas, eugenics studies stand in need of revising methodological             frames due to the diversity of contexts in which eugenics is tend to be built. On             the other hand, more often the “strange case” of eugenics is viewed according                106","to its unique opportunities to integrate approaches which recently were posed                   as hard to compliant or even more mutually conflicting: discourse- and insti-                   tutional analysis, Human rights and anthropology, or transhistorical schemes                   and thick description. Eugenic studies have already developed the wide range                   of nuanced narrative devices – open for further refinement within their jux-                   taposition on the issue of the segregation against the Roma and disabled for                   instance in the Czech lands.                                                                                                                                                      107","108","Literature                                             SOURCES FROM ARCHIVES                    Budou žít s námi, nebo vedle nás (21. 11. 1966). Radio Praha broadcast, the source:                       HU OSA 300-30-3 box 37a.                   Co chcete vědět (2. 11. 1966). Radio Bratislava 1 broadcast, the source HU OSA                       300-30-3 box 37a.                   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Odense: University of Southern Denmark Press.                                120","Name Index                     A                                    Goodley, D.  6, 117                   Alanen, L.  120                      Grue, J.  6, 117                   Andreotti, O.  92, 116               H                   B                                    Hajni�ová, M.  86, 113                   Bailey, J.  7, 73, 119               Haliřová, M.  9, 11, 117                   Baloutzova, S.  8, 116               Haus, M.  90, 117                   Barrett, A.  93, 120                 Heinelt, H.  90, 117                   Bekkers, V.  91, 116                 Hendrick, H.  7, 11, 117                   Blobil, J.  35, 112                  Hiebl, E.  116                   Bonmariage, M.  16, 112              Hlavačka, M.  11, 117                   Brožek, A.  29, 112                  Holub, O.  38, 113                   Bühler-Niederberger, D.  7, 116      Homolač, J.  5, 41, 117                   Burman, E.  93, 101, 116             Honig, M.-S.  92, 117                   Busse, M.  92, 119                   Hooghe, M.  59, 117                   C                                    J                   Cach, J.  23, 27, 116                James, A.  6, 8, 92, 117                   Capponi, V.  10, 118                 Janeček, J.  113                   Cenek, J.  33, 112                   Jani�ová, D.  69, 76, 113                   Chlup, O.  30, 33, 112               Janouch, F.  53, 113                   Čáda, F.  23, 24, 27, 28, 112        Jef, B.  91, 119                   Čebuský, F.  18, 112                 Jelínek, J.  15–17, 113                   Čermak, J.  36, 116                  Jenks, C.  92, 117                   Červinková-Riegrová, M.  25, 112     K                   D                                    Kača, J.  69, 109                   Doležal, J.  115                     Kaplan, K.  57, 117                   Dubec, J.  55, 112                   Kára, K.  75, 84, 113                                                        Kasper, T.  8, 117                   F                                    Kedrutek, F.  33, 113                   Fasora, L.  8, 116                   Kehily, M. J.  7, 12, 92, 117, 120                   Feinberg, M.  8, 117                 Kr�nzl-Nagl, R.  7, 117                   Fenelon, F.  21, 112                 Krotilová, J.  44, 113                   Fishman, S.  7, 117                  Křemenová, J.  85, 113, 114                   Folbre, N.  7, 117                   Křízenský, J.  35, 113                    G                                    Kříž, F.  35, 36, 113                   Gaňo, V.  59, 62, 112, 113           Křižková, M.  5, 118                   Gittins, D.  11, 117                 Kučera, R.  118                   Goldirova, R.  5, 117                Kříženecký, J. 30                   Goldson, B.  11, 117                                                                                           121","L                                    Pulmann, M.  119             Labisch, A.  12, 104, 118            Q             Lachmund, J.  118                    Qvortrup, J.  120             Langthaler, E.  116             Lebedová, A.  61, 113                R             Lee, N.  80, 118                     Rákosník, J.  119             Lhotka, P.  6, 37, 118               Redmond, G.  118             Loxley, A.  93, 120                  Reisenaure, R.  82, 85, 113, 114             Lyle, L.  118                        Riepl, B.  117                                                  Robila, M.  5, 119             M                                    Růžička, S.  29, 30, 114             Malá, H.  77, 81, 85, 86, 88, 113             Matić, M.  62, 113                   S             McKeever, P.  92, 118                Scraton, P.  117             Meisner, J.  29, 30, 34, 39, 40, 113  Sebrechts, L.  91, 119             Melkusová, H.  51, 114               Scharpf, F.  91, 119             Menchini, L.  118                    Shmidt, V.  7, 90, 91, 119             Mertin, V.  70, 75, 76, 114          Schneider, J.  28, 32, 36, 115             Miller, K.  92, 118                  Sojka, J.  73, 74, 111             Motyčková, R.  72, 110               Sonka, J.  31, 115             Multrus, V.  36, 114                 Souček, J.  61, 115                                                  Sovak, J.  78, 115             N                                    Stejskal, K.  35, 115             Navrátil, P.  42, 118                Stollberg, G.  118             Nečas, C.  6, 9, 37, 38, 118         Stolle, D.  59, 117             Nečasová, D.  118                    Stone, D.  29, 119             Novák, T.  10, 118                   Svoboda, M.  119                                                   Svobodová, H.  113, 114             O                                    Šafr, Z.  68, 69, 114             Olk, T.  120                         Šima, J.  31, 115             Ordover, N.  12, 104, 118            Šimúnek, M.  6, 12, 31, 119             Ovseiko, P.  50, 118                 Špiner, J.  74, 111                                                  Štampach, F.  29, 39–41, 48, 51, 115             P             Pavel, J.  14, 16, 50, 114           Št�pán, J.  77, 79, 80, 83, 86, 87, 115             Pickering, D.  92, 119               Štipek, J.  75, 80, 115             Piňosová, J.  72, 114                T             Plojhar, J.  52, 114                 Teplý, J.  61, 115             Promitzer, C.  6, 8, 119             Thomas, G.  93, 120             Prout, A.  6, 7, 92, 117, 119        Tickly, L.   93, 120             Průchová, P.  90, 119                Trubeta, S.  6, 119             Přivora, M.  85, 114                 Tůma, A.  28, 35, 115             Pučelík, T.  53, 114                 Turda, M.  6, 8, 12, 28, 119, 120                122","V                                    Y                   Vanhuysse, P.  7, 120                Yaki, I.  50, 120                   Vávrová, A.  73, 76, 80, 86, 115     Young, T.  12, 120                   Večerník, J.  120                    Z                   Veselá, R.  8, 120                   Zahra, T.  6, 8, 9, 13, 120                   Vojtko, T.  31, 120                                                        Zákoucký, K.  18, 19, 115                   W                                    Zámečník, F.  22, 23, 115                   Walkerdine, V.  92, 120              Zeiher, H.  93, 120                   Weindling, P.  28, 119               Zelenka, B.  39, 116                   Wintersberger, H.  117, 120          Zeman, O.  70, 74, 111                                                        Zikmund, A.  36, 116                                                        Žáková, H.  74, 75, 78, 79–82, 115                                                                                                                                             123","124","Subject Index                         A                   anti-social  36                   assimilative eugenics  22, 26, 29–31, 41                   Austro-Hungarian Empire  13                   B                   backwardness  17, 21, 39, 40, 59, 66, 71, 77, 81, 83                   birth rate  30, 52, 65, 73, 86                   building nation  6, 28                   C                   common sense  20, 22, 23, 25, 81                   communicative discourses  5, 10                   Communist Party  38, 50, 52, 53, 55, 69, 74, 75                   D                   deaf and hard of hearing  53, 55, 56, 62                   decentralization  28                   delinquency  33, 34, 36, 41, 74, 75                   delinquent behavior  27, 30                   disability  6, 10, 27, 31, 32, 34, 41, 44–46, 49, 53, 54, 57, 58, 61–63, 72, 84, 85, 90, 93,                         94, 96, 99                   disabled  5–7, 9, 10, 12, 27, 29, 30, 32, 34–36, 41, 43–45, 47–63, 67, 89, 92, 93, 99                   discourse analysis  5, 7                   E                   education  7–21, 23–26, 28, 29, 34–36, 43–46, 48–52, 54, 57, 59, 61–63, 65–72, 74–78,                         81, 85–100                   education for disabled children  9, 43, 45, 48, 50, 51, 62, 63, 67                   eubiothics  30, 31                   eubiotika  30                   eugenic ideas  6, 8, 9, 12, 22, 27, 42                   eugenicists  27–32, 36, 39, 41, 42                   eugenics  6, 8, 9, 12, 22, 24, 26–36, 38, 41, 42                   European Court on Human rights  10                   F                   feebleminded  35                   First Czechoslovak Republic  6                   First Republic  9, 18, 27, 42, 44, 45, 57, 67, 80                   H                   helping classes  68                   heredity  22, 24, 29, 31, 54, 85                                                                                            125","Ch             child development  7, 12, 14, 16, 23–25, 28, 33, 38, 42, 77, 82, 89, 92, 97             childhood  6, 7, 10, 11, 15, 21, 23, 25, 45, 82, 87, 88, 90, 92–94, 96, 97, 99             child protection  5– 7, 10, 12, 27, 32, 33, 42, 48             child welfare  5, 6, 8–12, 17             I             immoral behaviour  34             immoral family  19             institutionalisation  9, 35, 48, 59, 62             interwar period  6, 11, 26, 27, 41, 42, 53, 67, 77, 80, 84             K             kindergarten  17, 75             L             labour  7, 37, 38, 48, 59, 66, 67, 71, 95, 97             labour camps  38, 66, 67             language  12, 13, 20, 22, 25, 66, 71, 78, 79, 83, 87             M             medical care  59             medicalisation  57, 62, 63, 81, 84             mentally disabled  32, 63             Ministry of Education  16, 46, 48–53, 59–61, 66–68             Ministry of Health  49, 50, 52, 53, 55, 56, 58, 61, 63, 85             Ministry of Justice  60             N             nationalism  11, 26, 41             nation building  27             nation-building  11–13, 15, 16, 19, 21, 22, 25, 26             nation-building process  16             naturally developed child  13, 17, 19, 22, 23, 25             Nazi  12, 29, 44, 51             Nomadism  39             P             parental rights  9, 38, 67, 73             parental style  22             parental units  51, 55             parents  7, 15–20, 23, 34, 35, 38, 39, 44, 45, 48, 49, 51, 53, 55, 56, 58, 60, 63, 66–75,                   77–80, 83–85, 87, 89, 91–95, 98–100             placement of children  35, 54, 63, 73, 93             poverty  17, 21, 25, 28, 37, 41, 49, 76, 97             pre-sociological discourse  81             private  15, 16, 96             professionalisation  43, 60–63, 77             pro-natalist policy  73                 126","R                   Racial Hygiene  28                   residential care  5, 7, 32, 33, 35, 36, 38, 45, 48, 49, 60, 65, 74, 76, 82, 83, 85, 87, 91, 97                   Residential care  35                   retardation  34, 45, 46, 54, 57, 58, 68, 72, 74, 77, 84, 85, 87, 92                   Roma  5–10, 12, 18, 27, 29, 32, 33, 36–41, 65–90, 97, 99                   Roma people  5, 6, 27, 29, 36–41, 65–68, 70, 77, 78, 81, 82, 87, 88                   Roma population  27, 37, 40, 66–71, 75, 76, 86, 90                   Roma youth  75, 76, 80, 81, 88                   S                   segregation  5–7, 9, 10, 27, 29, 36, 37, 42, 63, 65, 70, 74, 87, 89                   settlements  35, 66, 67, 70, 78                   socialisation  57, 62, 74, 77, 86, 93                   socialist period  10, 43, 52, 61, 62, 65, 66, 69, 75, 77, 79, 81, 84, 87                   social protection  18, 29, 32, 45, 52, 54, 67                   special boarding-schools  5, 76                   special education  6, 9–11, 22, 27, 28, 31, 32, 41, 43–46, 48, 49, 51–54, 58, 60–63, 65,                         67, 72, 74, 76, 81, 82, 87, 88–90, 92, 93                   spontaneous development  28, 80, 81                   sterilization  5, 31, 40                   T                   Third Republic  9, 43–45, 47, 48, 50, 51, 53–55, 61, 63, 66                   W                   welfare  5, 6, 8, 9–11, 19, 42, 59, 90                                                                                                                           127","Scientific Editorial Board of Masaryk University                                    prof. PhDr. Ladislav Rabu�ic, CSc.                                         Mgr. Iva Zlatu�ková                                    Ing. Radmila Drob�nová, Ph.D.                                      Mgr. Michaela Hanousková                                    doc. PhDr. Jana Horáková, Ph.D.                                  doc. PhDr. Mgr. Tomá� Janík, Ph.D.                                    doc. JUDr. Josef Kotásek, Ph.D.                                   Mgr. et Mgr. Oldřich Krpec, Ph.D.                                     prof. PhDr. Petr Macek, CSc.                                        PhDr. Alena Mizerová                                     doc. Ing. Petr Pirožek, Ph.D.                                 doc. RNDr. Lubomír Popelínský, Ph.D.                                         Mgr. David Povolný                                    Mgr. Kateřina Sedláčková, Ph.D.                                    prof. RNDr. David Trunec, CSc.                                    prof. MUDr. Anna Va�ků, CSc.                                    doc. Mgr. Martin Zvonař, Ph.D.                           CHILD WELFARE DISCOURSES AND PRACTICES IN THE CZECH LANDS:                THE SEGREGATION OF ROMA AND DISABLED CHILDREN DURING                          THE NINETEENTH AND TWENTIETH CENTURIES                                   Mgr. Victoria Shmidt, Ph.D.                                Published by Masaryk University in 2015                                          1  Edition, 2015                                           st                  Typeset: MSD spol. s r.o., Lidická 23, 602 00 Brno, www.msdbrno.cz                                       ISBN 978-80-210-7834-5 (online : pdf)                                DOI: 10.5817/CZ.MUNI.M210-7834-2015",""];