var textForPages = ["Steven Saxonberg, Martina Kampichler, Miroslava Janoušková                                                          Mothers – Grandmothers – Daughters?                Reconciling Labour Market Integration with Care Responsibilities in Brno","MASARYK UNIVERSITY                                                                                                          BRNO 2013","The project “Impact of local welfare systems on female labour force participation           and social cohesion” (FLOWS) was funded under the Socio-economic Sciences           and Humanities theme of the Seventh Framework Programme for Research and           Technological Development (FP7), Grant Agreement SSH-CT-2010-266806.                    Authors:           Steven Saxonberg (chapters 7, 8)           Martina Kampichler (chapters 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8)           Miroslava Janoušková (chapters 1, 2, 4, 6)                     Reviewed by PhDr. Hana Maříková, Ph.D.                  © 2013 Steven Saxonberg, Martina Kampichler, Miroslava Janoušková           © 2013 Masarykova univerzita                 „Mothers – Grandmothers – Daughters? Reconciling Labour Market Integration           with Care Responsibilities in Brno“ by Steven Saxonberg, Martina Kampichler,           Miroslava Janoušková is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. This work is available           from: www.flows-eu.eu             ISBN 978-80-210-6712-7","Content                  Content                  INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………… 5               ChapTeR…1…              patterns…of…Women’s…Labour…Market…participation…in…Brno………………… 21              1.1  Historical Background and the Development of Women’s Labour                   Market Participation in the Czech Republic and in Brno between 1991                   and 2001 ……………………………………………………………………21              1.2  Women’s Labour Market Participation in Brno in 2001 and 2011  ………23              1.3  The Labour Market Participation of Women in Brno by Educational                   Attainment, Age and Presence of a Preschool Child  ……………………28              1.4  Conclusions  ………………………………………………………………34               ChapTeR…2              The…Structural…Context…of…Women’s…Labour…Market…participation…in…Brno… 37              2.1  Historical Background and Gender Segregation in Education  …………37              2.2  Gender Segregation of the Labour Market in Brno ………………………41              2.3  The Gender Pay Gap ………………………………………………………55              2.4  Conclusions  ………………………………………………………………60               ChapTeR…3              The…Local…Welfare…System…–…Childcare…for…pre-school…Children… ………… 65              3.1  Historical Background – The Development of Parental Leave and                   Childcare Policies in Czechoslovakia under Communist Rule  …………65              3.2  The Czech Republic and Brno after 1989 …………………………………67              3.3  Quality, Affordability, Accessibility and Financing of Childcare                   Services in Brno   …………………………………………………………81              3.4  Conclusions – Childcare for Pre-school Children in Brno ………………88               ChapTeR…4              The…Local…Welfare…System…–…elder…Care… …………………………………… 93              4.1  Historical Background – The Development of Elder Care Policies and                   Services in Czechoslovakia under Communist Rule  ……………………93              4.2  The Czech Republic and Brno after 1989   ………………………………95              4.3  Quality, Affordability, Accessibility of Elder Care Services in Brno  … 103              4.4  Conclusions – Elder Care Services in Brno …………………………… 108              ChapTeR…5              Women‘s…Strategies…for…Reconciling…paid…Work…and…Care…Responsibilities……              for…pre-school…Children…in…Brno……………………………………………… 113              5.1  The Meaning of Work  ………………………………………………… 114","Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             5.2  Prevailing Care Arrangements ………………………………………… 117           5.3  Decision Making on Labour Market Integration and Childcare                Arrangements   ………………………………………………………… 124           5.4  Conclusions  …………………………………………………………… 129            ChapTeR…6           Women‘s…Strategies…for…Reconciling…paid…Work…and…Care…Responsibilities……           for…Dependent…elderly…Family…Members…in…Brno… ………………………… 137           6.1  The Meaning of Work  ………………………………………………… 138           6.2  Elder Care Arrangements and Dominant Care Norms  ……………… 140           6.3  Decision Making on Labour Market Integration and Elder Care                Arrangements   ………………………………………………………… 147           6.4.  Conclusions  …………………………………………………………… 154            ChapTeR…7           What…Does…the…Survey…Data…Say…about…how…Women…Balance…Work…and…           Family…Life…in…Brno?…………………………………………………………… 161           7.1  Career Aspirations of Women  ………………………………………… 161           7.2  Attitudes toward Childcare  …………………………………………… 164           7.3  Taking Care of the Elderly ……………………………………………… 168           7.4  Conclusions  …………………………………………………………… 171            ChapTeR…8           Conclusions…and…policy…Recommendations…… ……………………………… 175            LIST…OF…TaBLeS…aND…FIGUReS… ………………………………………… 191           LIST…OF…aBBReVIaTIONS…………………………………………………… 193           NaMe…INDeX… ……………………………………………………………… 195","IntroduCtIon                  IntRoDUCtIon                  This book presents a case study of how social policies influence women in the              labour market in the Czech municipality of Brno. This study is based on research              that we conducted as part of the EU financed project “Impact of local welfare              systems on female labour force participation and social cohesion,” which has been              shortened to the acronym FLOWS. The project’s goal was to analyze “how local              welfare provision affects the labour market participation of women, and how              female employment in turn affects the life-course (of women and men), structures              of inequality, social cohesion and hence the sustainability of the European social              model” (FLOWS 2010: A1: 3).                 Following Esping-Andersen (1990) many scholars have tried to place countries              into different welfare typologies (e.g. Castles and Mitchells 1992, 1993; Ferrera              1998; Leibfried 1992; Powell and Barrientos 2011). However, these typologies have              tended to concentrate much more on benefits than on services, although services              make up a great part of public welfare (cf. Jensen 2008). This has caused scholars              to miss many points. For example, while it was common to claim that Sweden              did not suffer from welfare entrenchment in the 1990s because benefit levels only              increased slightly (e.g. Bonoli, George, and Taylor-Gooby 2000), service levels              actually decreased greatly (for example, measured in the number of hospital beds              or doctors per capita; see Saxonberg 2004). Feminist scholars also pointed out              the importance of concentrating more on family and caring polices, since the              unpaid work of women played a major role in the economy and in reproduction              (e.g. Lewis 1993; Lister 2003; Orloff 2009; Sainsbury 1994). They have noted that              matters such as access to daycare and types of parental leave influence that ability              for women to participate in the labour market. Since these scholars emphasized              the role of family policies, they tended to include one type of service – daycare              – in their typologies. This was an improvement over mainstream studies. More              recently feminist scholars have also begun to note the impact of elder care issues              on gender relations, because if women are expected to take care of their parents              or parents-in-law, it complicates their labour market participation (e.g. Eichler              and Pfau-Effinger 2009; Outshoorn 2008).                 However, feminist scholars also predominantly stuck to the tradition of looking              at country-level policies (e.g. Hantrais 2004; Lewis 1993; Gornick, Meyers and              Ross 1997; Sainsbury 1996). Even though national comparisons are important              and benefits are paid by the state, welfare services are most often provided by              local authorities among EU countries. Burau and Kröger (2004), for example,              show the often distinctively local nature of welfare services. They also show that              local comparisons extend existing cross-country explanations. Even though one              country might, to a large extent, belong to a certain welfare regime type at the              national level, studies indicate that variations within a country can still be great              at the local level. For example, Schultz, Strohmeier and Wunderlich (2009) show","Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             that the same policies can have much different results among cities in Germany           because of the different socio-economic makeups and cultural values of people           in different cities. As Burau and Kröger note, “Local comparisons extend existing           cross-country explanations of community care by showing that community care           is largely shaped by local politics, together with indirect structuring by national           contexts” (Burau and Kröger 2004). When it comes to elderly care, Trydegård and           Thorslund state that in this area the “municipal disparity constitutes a greater           threat to the principle of equality in care of the elderly than gender and socio-           economic differences” (Trydegård and Thorslund 2001). Nevertheless, very few           studies have been made on local welfare (Herbst and Barnow 2008 present one of           the few examples) and even fewer in the area of elder care (Anttonen et al. 2003;           Wilson 2006).              The aim of the FLOWS project is to contribute to resolving some of these           limitations. Therefore, the project gathered data on the local level and concentrated           on care for both children and the elderly. The idea being that the coverage and           quality  of  services  as  well  as  the  welfare  mix  (including  private  and  family           provision) greatly influences the employment of women. Another goal was to           see what role cultural norms play in influencing employment, because as some           scholars have noted, similar policies can lead to different results in different areas,           because of cultural differences. For example, the decision of whether a mother           will stay at home for a long period with her child or send the child to daycare           is not only dependent upon the quality, cost and accessibility of daycare, it is           also dependent on cultural norms of what is “proper” care (Duncan and Edwards           1999; Duncan et al. 2003; Pfau-Effinger 2005).              From this background, the project focused not only on mapping the local           welfare system, its relation to the national welfare system and how it potentially           supports and/or constrains the integration of women to the labour market; it           also put key emphasis on the individual decision making of women with care           responsibilities (either for pre-school children or for dependent elderly family           members).  This  special  focus  on  the  factors  and  motives  underlying  women’s           decisions  to  enter  the  labour  market  in  the  given  local  policy,  cultural  and           economic context as well as on its impacts on gender equality is highly innovative.           It aims at integrating different areas of research, which have so far been mostly           treated in isolation.              To do so, the project was organized in several research stages. The first step           was to map the local patterns of women’s labour market participation and their           (economic) structural context. It was realized mainly through desk research and           the analysis of available local and national statistical data. Building on this basic           overview of the situation of women on the labour market in the FLOWS cities, the           second stage of the project focused on the formal institutional factors conditioning           female labour market participation. In this respect, the research concentrated on           local welfare systems on the one hand, that is factors such as the local welfare           mix in the provision of childcare and elderly care services, governance structures           as well as the quality of provided services. On the other hand, focus was placed           on the local policy makers’ leeway in their decision making as well as on how           their mindsets affect policy formation in the local welfare systems. Apart from","IntroduCtIon                a detailed analysis of key local policy documents, the main approach in gathering              these data were structured interviews with key policy makers on the local city              level. Finally, the last step of data collection focused on the process of women’s              decision to enter the labour market. In order to understand this, two differing              methods were employed: a representative survey among women living in the              FLOWS cities and focus group discussions with employed women living in the              FLOWS cities and caring either for a pre-school child or a dependent elderly              family member. In this regard, the aim was to gain insights into how women              perceive and make use of welfare provisions; how they evaluate their formal and              informal work situation as well as their reconciling of gainful employment and              care duties (FLOWS 2010: A1).                 Hence, the project relied on a mixed method approach which combined focus              group interviews with a general survey of women living in the FLOWS cities as              well as expert interviews with local policymakers and basic desk research. By going              to the micro-level in one town, the project research generated an unusually broad              picture of the situation. The FLOWS project compared the local welfare regimes              in 11 medium-sized cities in 11 EU countries. The cities chosen were Aalborg in              Denmark, Tartu in Estonia, Jyväskylä in Finland, Nantes in France, Hamburg in              Germany, Székesfehérvár in Hungary, Dublin in Ireland, Bologna in Italy, Terrassa              in Spain, Leeds in the Great Britain and Brno in the Czech Republic.                 This book is comprised of material that the Czech team collected within the              FLOWS project for the city of Brno. Based on the research steps presented above,              this includes analysing current local census data, collecting statistics from the              local authorities and collecting printed information about childcare and elder              care policies and services in the city, as well as collecting data about changes in              parental leave policies on the national level. Our fieldwork includes 13 expert              interviews (conducted in autumn 2011) with local municipal policymakers who              deal with caring issues as well as local NGOs that are interested in these issues. The              focus group interviews were organized with 34 employed women in spring 2013.              We had four focus groups: two dealing with childcare (each with 8 participants)              and two dealing with elderly care (each with 9 participants). For each type of              care we had one group of highly educated women (ISCED 4-8) and one group of              women without a university education (ISCED 1-3). The survey was conducted              among 805 women living in Brno aged 25–64.                 Within the FLOWS project, the main task for the Czech team was to gather              local data for international comparison among the FLOWS cities. However, the              focus of the FLOWS project on local welfare state policies and women’s labour              market participation at the local level also created local data, which are valuable              and provide interesting insights in itself. This information is especially valuable              for  researchers  interested  in  welfare  state  policies  and/or  the  integration  of              women to the labour market. Our publication importantly adds to current local              research on the labour market (re)integration of mothers and their reconciling              of work and care responsibilities (cf. e.g. Křížková et al. 2011; Bartáková 2009),              by putting specific emphasis on the municipal context as well as on what allows              women an early return to the labour market. As far as elder care is concerned,              the results of the FLOWS project contribute to earlier research (cf. e.g. Jeřábek","Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             et al. 2013; Přidalová 2007a,b; 2006; Veselá 2002) first and foremost by analyzing            women to compete with men in the public sphere (work and politics), so the                                                                                                                                                                           1           the provision of care by informal carers and their decisions about the provision              saying arose that women work, but only men have careers (Čermáková 1997) .           of  care  within  the  current  institutional  and  structural  context  of  elder  care.        After the collapse of the communist regime, women basically continued their           At the same time, the presented findings are useful for local policymakers. In                pattern of working full-time before having children, staying at home for 3 years           this sense, the information presented in our study also adds to the insights of               when having children and then returning to work full-time again after having           existing  (international  comparative)  policy  analyses,  which  analyze  the  policy        children. Some changes took place that made it even more difficult for women           developments in the Czech Republic at a national level. At the same time this                 to  balance  work  and  family  life.  First,  the  public  nurseries  almost  completely           existing analysis constitutes an important point of departure for the study of local          disappeared, which makes it much more difficult for women to return to work           level policies.                                                                               within three years (Saxonberg and Sirovátka 2006). In addition, the number of              From this point of view, the Czech Republic represents an interesting case,                kindergarten places decreased, which did not cause problems until recently, as the           because under communist rule almost all women had to work, since incomes were                 birthrate also radically decreased. In recent years the birthrate has increased, yet it           too low for families to be able to live well off one income. Even though almost               is still nowhere near levels seen in the 1980s (see Figure I.1). As a result, ashortage           all women worked – in contrast to the Nordic countries, where most women                      of places has arisen, which forces many mothers to stay at home a fourth year.           began working by the late 1960s – no debate emerged about the need for fathers           to share in the parental leave time and the childraising chores. Also in contrast             Figure I.1 Fertility Rates in the Czech Republic 1980–2008           to West European countries, part-time work was virtually non-existent. Thus, the           double-burden that women faced of having a job and being the main person           responsible for housework and childraising was particularly strong. During the           1950s the communist regime originally tried to make it easier for women to work           by rapidly expanding access to daycare. This meant both increasing the number           of nurseries for children under three and kindergartens for pre-school children           over three. The nurseries were not all that popular, however, because they were           overcrowded and run like mini-hospitals, with nurses rather than teachers taking           care of the children. In the public discourse, concerns were also raised about the           high sickness rates (which came as a consequence of the groups being so large).           Paediatricians complained, for example, that children under 1.5 years of age who           attended nurseries became sick three to seven times more often than those who           stayed at home (Dunovský 1971: 154). A study from 1956 also concluded that one           of the reasons for the unpopularity of nurseries was that they were frequently           closed due to the outbreak of contagious diseases (Srb and Kučera 1959: 115–120).           Psychologists also started complaining that children suffered deprivation which           stemmed from being separated from their mothers at an early age (Wagnerová           2007; Langmeier and Matějček 1963; Klíma 1969).              In order to deal with the lack of popularity of nurseries and the falling fertility           rates, the regime decided to add an “additional” maternity leave to compliment                Source: Eurostat database           the mere 3-month maternity leave. The more generous leave was based on the           income replacement principle and the regime increased its period to 6 months.                    In 1995 the government introduced a fourth year of paid leave. By now the           The additional leave only paid a flat rate and little by little the regime increased          benefit was open to fathers (having been allowed since 1990), but the government           it until it reached a period of 3 years. By the late 1970s it became a common                 did not expect men to take this leave, as it was still officially called an additional           norm for mothers to stay at home for three years (Bulíř 1990; Kreipl et al. 1979),            maternity leave. It was only because of demands from the EU during the accession           although around 20% of children below three still attended daycare. In fact, the              negotiations that, in 2002, fathers received the right to get their jobs back after           number of nurseries in the Czech part of Czechoslovakia increased from 83 in                  taking leave. Various reforms in the parental leave benefits took place between           1937 to 1,330 by 1978 (ČSÚ, 1979: 1). Under these conditions, it was difficult for            2006–present. First, right before the elections in 2006 the parliament voted to                                                                                                            1   For details on the subjects of this chapter, see Saxonberg (2014) and Hašková, Saxonberg and                                                                                                         Mudrák (2012).","IntroduCtIon                                                         9                women to compete with men in the public sphere (work and politics), so the                                                                                 1              saying arose that women work, but only men have careers (Čermáková 1997) .                 After the collapse of the communist regime, women basically continued their              pattern of working full-time before having children, staying at home for 3 years              when having children and then returning to work full-time again after having              children. Some changes took place that made it even more difficult for women              to  balance  work  and  family  life.  First,  the  public  nurseries  almost  completely              disappeared, which makes it much more difficult for women to return to work              within three years (Saxonberg and Sirovátka 2006). In addition, the number of              kindergarten places decreased, which did not cause problems until recently, as the              birthrate also radically decreased. In recent years the birthrate has increased, yet it              is still nowhere near levels seen in the 1980s (see Figure I.1). As a result, ashortage              of places has arisen, which forces many mothers to stay at home a fourth year.               Figure I.1 Fertility Rates in the Czech Republic 1980–2008                                         Source: Eurostat database                  In 1995 the government introduced a fourth year of paid leave. By now the              benefit was open to fathers (having been allowed since 1990), but the government              did not expect men to take this leave, as it was still officially called an additional              maternity leave. It was only because of demands from the EU during the accession              negotiations that, in 2002, fathers received the right to get their jobs back after              taking leave. Various reforms in the parental leave benefits took place between              2006–present. First, right before the elections in 2006 the parliament voted to                 1   For details on the subjects of this chapter, see Saxonberg (2014) and Hašková, Saxonberg and              Mudrák (2012).","10                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             almost double the amount of money that one gets per month for parental leave           to 7,600 CZK. Then a reform allowed parents to choose three different types of           parental leave. The fast track paid 11,400 CZK/month for those staying at home           until the child is two years old, the basic rate paid 7,600 CZK/month for those           staying at home until the child is three years old, while the slow track paid 3,800           CZK/month for those staying at home until the child is four (MPSV 2011). Because           of the lack of daycare spaces for children under three, the minister responsible for           the reform admitted that he did not expect many mothers to take advantage of           this reform and to shorten their leave to two years (Čápová 2008).              In 2012 a further reform was enacted which equalized the different options           for leave. Now parents are entitled to stay at home as long as they like up to four           years, but they receive a total of 220,000 CZK (approx. EUR 8,800) for the entire           period. The monthly rate amounts to 70% of the previous income (of the mother           or the father), with a minimum payment of 7600 CZK (approx. EUR 304) and           a maximum payment of 11,500 CZK (approx. EUR 460). The shortest possible           period of time for drawing the parental allowance is until the child reaches the           age of 2. At the same time, the regulations for placing children in public caring           facilities were changed. Now, before the child reaches the age of 2 years, the use of           a child care facility is limited to a maximum of 46 hours a month and for children           over 2 institutional childcare is no longer limited. Nevertheless, for families where           neither the mother nor the father contributed to social insurance before the birth           of the child, the only option available is the longest (until the child reaches the age           of 4) (MPSV 2012). In relation to this system of parental leave allowance, it is still           important to note that parents only have the right to return to their previous job           within a 3 year period. Hence, the four year option potentially puts the parent at           risk of losing the ability to return to their former job.              Thus, family policies are still based on the assumption that only the mother           will go on leave (as there is no paternity leave, father quotas or a leave period           based on the income-replacement principle, which would minimize the family           loss of income if the father went on leave given the fact that fathers have the           highest income in most families). Even though parents can now get more money           per month if they stay at home for two years instead of three or four, very few           mothers choose this option, since public nursery places are extremely difficult           to find and private daycare is very expensive. Given the low benefit level, only           around 1% of fathers go on leave , as they easily can argue that the loss of income                                       2           would be too great, while mothers have lower incomes. Even in the cases in which           a mother has a higher income, fathers who might want to go on leave would have           to face the generally negative judgment of their employers. The Nordic examples           show that fathers only begin going on parental leave in large numbers when there           is a father’s quota (and the leave is insurance-based), because then fathers can           defend their decision vis-à-vis their employer on the grounds that they cannot           afford to lose the caring benefit (e.g. Haataja 2009). Consequently, mothers now           face even greater pressure to stay at home for at least three years than they did              2   For example, in 2006, only 0.8 per cent of those on parental leave were men (Maříková 2008: 75),           it remained about the same in 2011, see ČSÚ (2012)","IntroduCtIon                                                        11                under communist rule. In addition, since the country now has a market economy,              it is more difficult for mothers to return to the same jobs they had before, as private              enterprises need to quickly find replacements and do not want to suddenly let go              of people who worked there for 3–4 years (again, for a discussion see Saxonberg              2014; Hašková, Saxonberg and Mudrák 2012). As a result, the employment penalty              for having children is greatest in the Czech Republic among all EU countries (see              Table I.1). In other words, the employment level of women having children under              6 decreases the most in the Czech Republic. Women’s share in total employment              has also decreased by about 5% since the fall of communism, as many women              who go on maternity leave have trouble finding a job afterwards.               table I.1 Employment Impact of Parenthood and Part-time Work (200)                            % working under    Employment impact of   Women’s employment share %                            0 hours/week   parenthood (PP)                           Men    Women     Men    Women     1988    1996     2009                Czech       1       14      14.    −2.    4.9     4.6    42.8                Republic                Hungary     1       1      14.    − 2.   48.2     44.2    46.1                Poland             1      11.2    − 11.1    —       4.1    44.9                Slovakia    2       11      1.9    −24.2    4.4     44.4    44.2                Germany     6       9      1.1    −16.2     —       —       42.6                Sweden             16       —       —        —       —       4.                UK          8       4      14.4    −1.4     —       —       46.8              Note: employment impact of parenthood = absolute difference in employment rates between men              and women (age group 20–0) without children and with children aged 0–6              Sources: For part-time employment, see OECD (2011) and EC (2009: 30-1). Women’s employment rate              calculated from figures from national statistical offices found via ILO’s homepage. Following sources              also used for calculating employment in Hungary and Poland:              http://www.stat.gov.pl/cps/rde/xbcr/gus/PUBL_ls_labour_force_survey_IIIq_2009.pdf              http://portal.ksh.hu/pls/ksh/docs/eng/xtabla/munkero/tablmp094_03.html                  Interestingly, kindergartens have remained popular. One reason is that they              have been part of the Czech nationalist project since the mid-1800s. The original              kindergartens in the Austrian Empire taught in German, charged fees and were              only  open  4–5  hours  per  day;  thus,  they  catered  mainly  to  the  middle  class              (Mišurcová  1980).  However, “Volkskindergärten”  also  emerged,  which  taught              in the local language and had long opening hours, so that poor mothers could              work (Fellner, 1884). Czech nationalists established an association, Matice česká,              which promoted and financed Czech Volkskindergärten, so that their children              would learn Czech (Mišurcová 1980). Since the Volkskindergärten in the Czech              lands taught in Czech, they became much more popular and widespread than the              traditional, German speaking kindergartens.                 This connection of Volkskindergärten with nationalism also helps to explain              the  fact  that,  while  post-communist  governments  with  conservative  views  on              gender roles let most nurseries close, they have kept most of the kindergartens","12                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             open. Kindergartens still have a positive connotation even among conservatives.           Thus, a governmental survey in 2000 found that 70% of parents agreed that Czech           “kindergartens  provide  good  care  to  all  children  of  pre-school  age”  (MŠMT           2000: 105). Because of their popularity, the closing of kindergartens would have           met much more opposition than the closing of nurseries. Yet, as already noted,           some kindergartens did in fact close down in the 1990s, but that did not meet           much opposition because birthrates also decreases, so the percentage of children           attending kindergartens remained stable. However, now that the birthrate has           increased, shortages in kindergartens are now arising.              In summary, both during communist rule and today, Czech family policies           have differed from the mainstream Western typologies. During communist rule,           the daycare system was in some ways similar to the Nordic, social-democratic           model, in that most children above three attended daycare and – at least relative           to its time – a rather large number of children under three also attended daycare.           Of course, by today’s standards the 20% of the children under three who attended           daycare in 1988 are not all that high and is lower than the Barcelona targets,           in the 1980s it was a comparatively high number. Thus, even though Denmark           is the only Scandinavian country to divide daycare into nurseries for children           under three and kindergartens for children above three, the Czechoslovak system           shared its “defamilializing” (Esping-Andersen 1999; Lister 1994; Hantrais 2004)           or “degenderizing” (Saxonberg 2013) tendencies in the area of daycare. At the           same time, the parental leave system more closely resembled the conservative,           continental  European  model  that  was “explicitly  familializing”  (Leitner  2003)           or “explicitly  genderizing”  (Saxonberg  2013)  in  that  it  had  a  maternity  leave           followed by a flat-rate leave . Not only was the benefit level of the leave too low                                   3           to encourage fathers to share in the leave time, the benefit was not even available           to fathers; hence its name “additional maternity leave.” The parental leave system           basically remained conservative or explicitly genderizing since the collapse of           the communist system. Even though the additional leave period has now been           opened to men, the benefit level is too low to give men much incentive to share           in the leave time. However, now that most of the nurseries have closed and access           to daycare is difficult for children under three, the system has become more of           a “pure” conservative, explicitly genderizing system in the sense that both the           parental leave system and the daycare system encourage mothers to leave the           labor market for long periods, without giving fathers incentives to share in the           leave time.              Nevertheless,  conditions  still  differ  greatly  from  traditional  conservative           countries in that: 1) most women still work full-time both before and after their           parental leave period, and very few leave the labor market completely to become           housewives,  nor  do  they  work  part-time.  2)  In  contrast  to  many  continental           European  conservative welfare states, kindergartens  are  open  full-time, rather           than part-time (although they operate mainly as schools, so they still close around               3   Bussemaker and van Kersbergen (1999) note that it is typical for conservative, continental welfare           states to have a maternity leave followed by a flat-rate leave.","IntroduCtIon                                                        1                4, which is earlier than many mothers finish their jobs and they are closed during              the summer).                 In the area of care for the elderly, policies have also been a bit mixed. Just as              the original family policies had a degenderizing element in that the communist              regime invested heavily in daycare to make it easier for mothers of young children              to work, so did the regime invest in retirement homes, so that daughters would not              have to care for their elderly parents or parents-in-law. By the middle of the 1960s,              social scientists began criticizing the lack of places in retirement homes and the              “excessively collectivist nature” of care (Maříková and Plasová 2012). Gradually,              the  critique  increased  and  began  focusing  on  the  lack  of  caring  personnel,              dehumanised care and high mortality of seniors in these facilities (cf. Wolfová              1987: 268). They also began advocating for the rights of elderly people to be able              to stay in their home environment for as long as possible (Schimmerlingová and              Novotná 1992: 14). Yet, although demands for allowing the elderly to stay at home              for as long as possible also arose in the social-democratic Nordic countries, there              feminists were able to push for using publicly employed home-helpers that come              to the homes of the elderly, so that they can live there as long as possible, while              in Czechoslovakia, where an independent feminist movement could not develop              because the communist dictatorship suppressed civil society, the emphasis was              more on returning responsibility to the family. A survey of seniors above 70 years              old, living in urban areas, undertaken in the beginning of the 1970s showed that              70% of those with a limited ability to care for themselves received such care within              the family – mostly from their wives, daughters or other (mainly female) relatives              (Kaufman and Schimmerlingová 1971: 67). Thus, public care was inadequate for              the majority of the elderly.                 Already by 1964 the regime had passed a law that re-introduced the Bismarckian              principle  of  “limited”  subsidiarity.  According  to  the  decree,  institutionalized              homecare services were to be provided to the elderly only when family members              could  not  ensure  such  care.  Moreover,  the  decree  introduced  an  aspect  of              professionalization in field care as it allowed professional carers to provide the              field care. Home care for the elderly, whether voluntary or professional, was again              performed  by  women  (Maříková  and  Plasová  2012).  In  1988,  the  communist              regime  introduced  another  reform  that  encouraged  family  members  (i.e.              daughters/daughters-in-law) to provide the long-term care for the sick or elderly              older than 85 (Ministry Ordinance No. 152/1988 to the law No. 100/1988; printed              in  http://aplikace.mvcr.cz/archiv2008/sbirka/1988/sb33-88.pdf).  Thus,  despite              the initial defamilializing/degenderizing reforms that place emphasis on public              care, the communist regime began to go in a more conservative direction, one in              which daughters were seen as the main carers for the elderly.                 After the fall of communism, conditions for the elderly worsened in some              important respects. For example, pensions did not increase as fast as the inflation              rate (Saxonberg and Sirovátka 2009). Given the relatively low pensions, the elderly              have little money to pay for private home-help, which makes them rely on help              from their family (mostly their daughters or daughters-in-law). Although elderly              care has, to a large extent, been based on conservative-Bismarckian principles in              which daughters are expected to take care of their elderly parents/parents-in-law,","1                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             recent reforms have gone in a more liberal direction. The new Social Services           Act from 2007 changed the system for financing social services. The state no           longer  directly  pays  care  allowances  to  the  person  providing  care  but  rather           to the person receiving care. The elderly care receivers can then decide which           type of care they will purchase. The official goal of the reform is to strengthen           the autonomy of seniors in terms of deciding which kinds of care they choose.           However,  the  possibility  of  choosing  certain  types  of  care  is  limited  by  the           shortage of professional services and low benefit levels, which make it difficult to           hire private help (Maříková and Plasová 2012).              An alternative form of care is provided by retirement homes. However, it has           become more difficult to get places in retirement homes and the fees for living           there have increased (Maříková and Plasová 2012). Although the total number of           places in residential care services has constantly increased (MPSV 2007: 30), the           coverage of people over 80 years old has been slowly decreasing since 1989 (ČSÚ           2008). One reason for this is that the percentage of the population over 80 years           old as a portion of the total population above 65 years has increased from 23.8%           in  1989  to  almost  30%  in  2007  (ČSÚ  2007).  Because  of  the  lack  of  available           institutionalized  housing,  the  number  of  applications  rejected  for  retirement           homes has grown dramatically and the elderly often have to wait several years           for a place (Holmerová 2004). This lack of places in retirement homes and lack of           public support for home-helpers increases pressures on daughters to give up their           careers in order to take care of their parents or parent-in-laws.              Against  this  background,  this  book  presents  a  selection  of  local  FLOWS           results  related  to  the  city  of  Brno,  centering  around  the  decision  making  of           women with care responsibilities, living in the policy context of Brno and the           Czech  Republic,  about  their  care  arrangements  for  pre-school  children  and           dependent elderly family members as well as their labour market participation.           In this regard, our micro-level study deals with the following questions: How           important is the leeway of local policy makers in the design of child and elderly           care policies and the provision of related services? Do local policy makers make           use of their opportunities to support women’s labour market participation, or,           on a more general level, gender equality? How does the gendered dual earner           model (described above) work in the everyday life of women living in Brno? How           do women with care responsibilities, living in Brno, perceive their possibilities           for reconciling care work with participating in the labour market? How do they           interpret  and  evaluate  the  current  (local)  policy  context?  What  role  do  care           norms play in the women’s decision making about work and care? What kind of           reconciling strategies allow women a successful and satisfying combination of           care work and labour market participation?               In this respect, the major goals of the book are as follows:              •  to present an overview of the current situation of women’s labour market                 participation in the city of Brno;              •  to present the policy context that influences the labour market and caring                 decisions of women (and men) in Brno; the caring decisions include both                 childcare and elder care;","IntroduCtIon                                                        1                   •  to  illustrate  the  decision  making  processes  of  women  with  care                    responsibilities, with lower and higher educational attainment (based on                    the focus group data) and to examine the interaction and complexity of                    the  factors  conditioning  women’s  decisions  to  participate  in  the  labour                    market;                 •  to contextualize the insights from our focus group interviews based on                    statistical  data  from  a  representative  survey  conducted  among  women                    living in Brno;                 •  to present policy recommendations stemming from the results of the focus                    groups and the survey.                 In relation to these goals, the book consists of 8 chapters which are divided              into three parts. The first part of the book provides basic information on the              participation of women in the labour market, with a special focus on the situation              in  Brno.  Thus,  Chapter  1  focuses  on  the  pattern  of  women’s  labour  market              participation in Brno, providing data on the extent to which women in Brno              are active in the labour market, as well as on how this participation differs for              different groups of women (according to educational attainment, age and care              responsibilities for preschool children). For this purpose, our main data source              is census data from the years 1991, 2001 and 2011. However, as not all relevant              data are available from the census, we also use regional and national data in order              to complete the picture. Subsequently, the second chapter provides information              on the structural context of the patterns identified before. Departing from the              economic structure of the local labour market and its development as well as              from the educational structure of the labour force in Brno, the main emphasis              in this chapter is put on describing the horizontal and vertical segregation of the              labour market in Brno and the related gender pay gap. Again, our main source of              information is census data, completed by data from the labour force survey and              other local sources.                 The second part of the book turns to the institutional and policy contexts              of women’s labour market participation in Brno. In this respect, it puts specific              emphasis on the situation of women with caring responsibilities, both for pre-              school children and for dependent elderly. The main focus of Chapters 3 and 4              is therefore the national and local policies relevant for both areas as well as the              current coverage and welfare mix of childcare and elder care services in Brno.              Based on the analysis of local policy documents and expert interviews with local              policy makers, the chapters evaluate both policy areas from the point of view of              supporting women’s labour market participation.                 Though  both  chapters  work  as  independent  evaluations  of  the  respective              policy areas in Brno, at the same time, they provide an important context for              part III of the book, which focuses on women’s actual decision making about              their care arrangements and their labour market participation. In this regard,              Chapter 5 presents the key results of the two focus group discussions (one with              women  with  higher  educational  attainment  and  one  with  women  with  lower              educational attainment), which were organized in March 2013 with employed              women with pre-school children living in Brno. The related analysis focuses on","1                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             how the respondents perceive their employment as meaningful and how they           manage to reconcile their gainful employment with their care responsibilities.           It also discusses the respondents’ decision making on both their labour market           integration  as  well  as  their  care  arrangements.  Following  a  similar  structure,           Chapter 6 presents the analysis of the two focus groups with women with care           responsibilities  for  dependent  elderly  family  members.  Chapter  7  goes  on  to           analyze the survey data in order to ascertain whether the focus group results are           at all representative of the population at large in Brno. Finally, Chapter 8 provides           the book’s overall conclusions as well as policy recommendations based on our           study.             ReFeRenCeS            Anttonen, A., Baldock, J. \& Sipilä, J., eds., 2003. The Young, the Old and the State: Social Care              Systems in Five Industrial Nations. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.           Bonoli, G., George, V. \& Taylor-Gooby, P., 2000. European Welfare Futures: Towards a Theory of              Retrenchment. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.           Bulíř, M., 1990. Zařízení předškolní péče a výchovy v ČSR. (Preschool care and education              institutions in the CSR). Praha: ČSÚ.           Burau, V. \& Kröger, T., 2004. The Local and the National in Community Care: Exploring              Policy and Politics in Finland and Britain. 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Sociální politika, 13(12), pp. 268–270.","","Patterns of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno             21                  ChapteR 1              patterns of Women’s Labour Market participation in Brno                   The aim of this first chapter is to provide an overview of currently available data              on women’s labour market participation in Brno. For this purpose, our main data              source is census data from the years 1991, 2001 and 2011. As not all relevant data              is available from the census, however, we also use regional and national data in              order to complete the picture.                 1.1   historical Background and the Development of Women’s Labour                    Market participation in the Czech Republic and in Brno between                    1991 and 2001               Historically,  the  Czech  Republic  (and  former  Czechoslovakia)  has  been              characterized  by  a  high  integration  of  women  into  the  labour  market.  Under              communist rule, women were expected to work full-time both before and after              having children, which created a system that contrasted sharply with the male-              breadwinner/female housewife model, or the male breadwinner/part-time female              worker model that dominated many European countries (Pfau-Effinger 2004).              For example, according to census data from the year 1980, on the national level              79.93% and similarly in Brno 79.23% (FSÚ 1985, 1981) of women were employed .                                                                                   1              However, in contrast to the dual-earner/dual-carer model that has become an ideal              in Nordic countries, women in most communist-ruled countries were expected              to do all the caring (and household chores), while fathers were not even allowed              to go on parental leave (e.g. Saxonberg, Hašková, Mudrák 2012). In this regard,              the communist regime in Czechoslovakia gradually launched policy measures              to encourage mothers to stay at home to care for their children. Especially from              the 1970s on, the communist regime launched pro-natality measures, including              a universal child benefit and a prolonged maternity leave up to the child’s age of              2 (which was later further extended to the age of 3), among others (Čermáková              et al. 2000; Saxonberg 2014). This produced a pattern according to which it was              a matter of course and a financial necessity for women (due to income policies)              to be in full-time gainful employment, from which they retreated for up to three              years, however, when they had a child. Though under communist-rule it was no              problem to return to the labour market after parental leave, as pointed out for              example by Čermáková (1997), the related double burden importantly limited              women’s potential for professional careers. Departing mainly from census data,              in  the  following  we  will  discuss  how  this  pattern  changed  and/or  remained                  1   The census data do not provide data on unemployment/employment, as officially in the socialist              state there was no unemployment and hence all economically active where employed.","22                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             stable – both in Brno and the Czech Republic – after the fall of the communist           regime in Czechoslovakia in 1989 and the separation of Czechoslovakia into two           independent states – the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic.              According to the 1991 Census, that is, in the early phase of the political changes           after the fall of the communist regime, the labour force participation of women in           Brno was around 74% (of women aged 15–64) and women formed about 49% of           the labour force (Krajská statistická správa 1992). In the course of the 1990s, this           high level of women’s labour market participation in Brno decreased. Between           the Census in 1991 and the Census in 2001, it fell by 7 percentage points, reaching           an employment rate level of 60.7% and an unemployment rate of 6.4% (of the           population aged 15–64) and 9.6% of the economically active. This decrease in           labour market participation was far greater for women than for men and hence           the share of women in the labour force decreased to 47% (Krajská statistická           správa 1992; ČSÚ 2003). However, there was no mass withdrawal of women from           the labour market into the household, a topic widely discussed in the course           of the 1990s. The reason for this is twofold: On the one hand, the high level of           women’s labour market integration was related to a certain economic necessity.           Especially under state-socialism, but also in the course of the 1990s, women’s           income constituted an important contribution to provide for the family’s living.           On the other hand, women saw their labour market integration as an important           part of their life. For example, according to public opinion surveys carried out           in the 1990s, the majority of women would not have wanted to leave the labour           market even if the economic situation of the family would have allowed them           to do so. Similarly, the full-time norm of women’s labour market participation           continued after the political changes, as well. Nevertheless, despite the fact that           full-time work was clearly prevalent among women, opinion surveys also showed           that they were not fully satisfied with this situation: if the (economic) situation           would allow it, 43% of women would have preferred to work less than full time,           especially in order to achieve a better balance between their work and caring           duties (Křížková 2003: 19; Čermáková et al. 2000).              Thus the norm of women’s full-time labour market participation remained           rather  stable  after  the  end  of  the  state-socialist  regime,  as  well.  The  related           economic transformation process nevertheless brought central changes to the           work life of both women and men. While under state socialism the norm was           to have one job for one’s entire life, which was more or less guaranteed and not           much oriented towards performance. The transformation in the course of the           1990s brought new risks and pressures, however, unemployment being central           among them (cf. for example Dudová, Vohlídalaová 2008; Čermáková et al. 2000).           Yet the early restructuring of the economy did not immediately produce higher           unemployment.  Some former employees moved outside of the labour market           (e.g. became housewives or retired) and many also became private entrepreneurs           (self-employment was also a new phenomenon after the years of state-socialist           rule).  When  economic  problems  began  to  arise  in  the  middle  of  the  1990s,           however,  unemployment  became  an  important  issue  (Interview  with  labour           market experts from the Brno labour office). According to data provided by the           Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (MOLSA), the registered unemployment","Patterns of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno             2                rate of women in Brno almost tripled between the years 1997 and 2001 (rising              from  3.5%  to  9.1%).  Still,  the  gender  gap  in  unemployment  remained  more              or less stable, fluctuating around 2 percentage points. Hence during the 1990s              unemployment became an especially important risk, both for women and men.                 Departing from this historical background, we will now take a closer look at              current labour market participation and non-participation of women in Brno. To              start with, we will provide a general overview of the main trends during the last              10 years, based on data from the census in 2001 and 2011.                 1.2   Women’s Labour Market participation in Brno in 2001 and 2011               As the census data for Brno show, women’s labour market participation increased              by 2.7 percentage points (PP) in the 10 year period between 2001 and 2011. This              is a positive development, especially as it predominantly results from an increase              in the employment rate (+2.2 PP) and only a slight increase in the unemployment              rate. Furthermore, this increase in the women’s labour force was caused by women              who were outside the labour market for other reasons than full-time education.              Compared to the situation of men, the increase of women’s employment rate in              Brno has been slightly stronger and hence has resulted in a decrease of the gender              gap in employment, on a higher overall level of employment for both, men and              women. The gender gap in unemployment remained at a slightly higher level of              overall unemployment (as percentage of the economically active).                 The evaluation of this trend as a certain improvement for the situation of              women on the labour market in Brno is further underscored by a comparison to              the national trend. Here, the increase in women’s labour market participation is              not only lower, but also stems from more or less equal increases in employment              and  unemployment.  Moreover,  though  the  gender  gap  in  employment  also              decreased on the national level, this decrease was also related to a slight decrease              in the employment of men and hence of the overall level of employment. That is,              compared to the national average, for women in Brno, entering the labour market              resulted more often in employment.                table 1.1 Economic Activity in General                 CZeCh RepUBLIC                        MEN     MEN    WOMEN   WOMEN                overall                               2001    2011    2001    2011                Employed                              2.8    2.2    60.0    60.                Including on maternity leave (% of the employed)  0  0  1.8  14.                Unemployed (% of the economic active / % of the   9.0 / .2  9.6 / .  9.9 / 6.6  10. / .1                population 1–64)                Not on the labour market              19.    19.8    2.2    22.0                In full-time education (not on the labour market)  10.  10.  10.2  10.4","2                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             table 1.1 Economic Activity in General – Continuation              BRno                                  MEN     MEN    WOMEN    WOMEN            overall                               2001    2011    2001     2011            Employed                               2.4    .4    60.    62.9            Including on maternity leave (% of the employed)  0  0  1.2   14.            Unemployed (% of the economic active / % of the   9.0 / .2  9.4 / .  9.6 / 6.4  9.9 / 6.9            population 1–64)            Not on the labour market               18.    1.9    22.0    19.            In full-time education (not on the labour market)  11.  11.0  10.9  10.9           Source: ČSÚ 2003, Census 2011               The data from the census in 2001 and 2011 only provide data for two specific           points in time, thus making it impossible to evaluate the development between           them. In this regard, only limited data are available for the local level of the city of           Brno. In fact, the census data are the only source for exact data on employment. For           unemployment, however, the MOLSA also provides local data and the following           table gives an overview of the development of the registered unemployment rate           for men and women between 2001 and 2011:            table 1.2 The Development of Unemployment in the City of Brno 2001–2011 (Registered           Unemployment Rate, Annual Average)                 Brno         Total        Women          Men         Gender gap                2001           18.2         19.1           .4          −1.                2002           19.4         10.1           8.8          −1.                200           10.6         11.           9.          −2.0                2004           19.8         11.           8.          −2.6                200           19.         10.8           8.          −2.                2006           18.         10.0           .          −2.                200           16.9         18.2           .6          −2.6                2008           1.         16.9           4.4          −2.                2009           1.         18.           6.1          −2.4                2010           18.         19.4           .          −1.                2011           18.2         19.2           .4          −1.8           Source: Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (ordered data)               The above table shows a downward trend for the average unemployment rate           beginning in 2004. This, on the one hand, is due to changes in the Ministry’s of           Labour and Social affairs method for calculating the unemployment rate, and, on           the other hand, the result of an important influx of foreign capital to Brno (Interview           with labour market experts from the Brno labour office). It is important to note that           this decrease in overall unemployment is first and foremost a result of a decrease           in the male unemployment rate (as is also shown by the widening of the gender           gap to around 2.5 percentage points between 2004 and 2005). This trend ended","Patterns of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno             2                in 2008–2010 when the global financial crises fully hit the labour market in Brno.              The electronics industry was affected first and foremost, as was manufacturing,              which had negative consequences primarily for men. The textile industry, which              was traditionally feminized, had previously lost much of its importance. During              the initial year of the financial crisis, 33 employers realized collective dismissals              and, all in all, in the city of Brno about 2,000 people lost their jobs. In 2009 another              2,000–3,000 employees were laid off by firms and organizations for “crisis” reasons.              Although fewer corporations were affected by the crisis in 2010, sixteen of them              made collective dismissals and about 1,000 employees were laid off, again mostly              in  the  sectors  of  engineering,  manufacturing  of  electronics,  construction  and              transportation, which are traditionally male dominated (Marek 2011). However,              the secondary impacts of the crisis more strongly affect the service sector and              hence are more felt by the women concentrated in this sector (ÚP Brno-město              2010; estimations from the labour office; Interview with labour market experts              from the Brno labour office).                 As the MOLSA unemployment data (Table 1.2) show, the various impacts              of  the  economic  crisis  on  women  and  men  lead  to  a  decrease  of  the  gender              gap in registered unemployment. This downward trend is related to a stronger              increase in male unemployment, however, and hence is also related to a higher              level of overall unemployment. Nevertheless, after the rather strong increase in              unemployment in the years 2008–2010, the year 2011 brought a turn around,              with only a slight decrease in unemployment. From this point of view, the results              of the 2011 census (collected in March) are probably already part of this turn.                 Another question related to women’s labour market participation which is not              possible to answer from the available census data, is the question of whether and              to what extent women are in the labour market on full-time or part-time basis.              Therefore, we use national and regional data from the labour force survey as well              as a local survey conducted by the Brno labour office in order to provide at least              a rough picture of this issue.                 As mentioned before, traditionally (including under communist rule) women              have  worked  full-time.  Even  today,  part-time  employment  is  not  widespread              in the Czech Republic. As current data from the labour force survey show, on              national average only 5% of men and women aged 15–64 work part-time. Though              the number for women is slightly higher (9%), it is far below the average of other              European countries (Labour force survey 2010, ordered data). The reason for this              is a mixture of a tradition of full time employment and economic necessity, and a              very limited offer of such positions (Křížková 2003; Dudová, Vohlídalová 2008).                 Regarding the situation in Brno, according to estimates of the labour market              experts interviewed at the labour office, the demand for part-time jobs is much              higher than the supply. This is backed-up by the public opinion surveys referred              to earlier and indicates that the trend from the 1990s also continues in the new              millennium. Further estimates can be made based on a local survey annually              conducted by the Brno labour office, covering approximately 50% of the people              employed in Brno. This survey contains a certain bias towards large companies,              however (small companies with up to 20 employees are underrepresented in the              sample). According to the results of this survey, in 2010 about 12% of surveyed","2                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             table 1.3 Development of Full-time and Part-time Employment at NUTS  and National           Level                                 Full time employment       Part time employment                             (% from the total employment)  (% from the total employment)                     Time            Region                    period  Total  Women  Men  Gender   Total  Women  Men  Gender                            (%)    (%)   (%)    gap    (%)    (%)    (%)    gap                     200  9.   91.4   98.4   .0    4.    18.6   1.6   −.0                     2006  9.4   91.4   98.4   .0    4.6    18.6   1.6   −.0                     200  9.4   91.   98.4   6.9    4.6    18.   1.6   −6.9            NUTS                     2008  9.4   91.   98.   .0    4.6    18.   1.   −.0                     2009  94.6   90.0   98.1   8.1    .4    10.0   1.9   −8.1                     2010  9.2   91.4   98.1   6.    4.8    18.6   1.   −.0                     200  9.6   92.0   98.4   6.4    4.4    18.0   1.6   −6.4                     2006  9.6   91.9   98.   6.4    4.4    18.0   1.   −6.                     200  9.6   92.1   98.   6.2    4.4    1.9   1.   −6.2            NATIONAL                     2008  9.   92.2   98.4   6.2    4.    1.8   1.6   −6.2                     2009  9.2   91.   98.0   6.    4.8    18.   2.0   −6.                     2010  94.9   90.9   9.8   6.9    .1    19.1   2.2   −6.9           Source: Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (ordered data)            employees worked on a part-time basis and about 70% of these positions were                            2           occupied by women . All in all, 18% of employed women included in the survey           worked on a part time basis. The survey data also allows the analysis of the types           of companies in which these part-time positions are located. The most important           sectors providing part-time positions in Brno (over 20% of the total positions)           are “Research and Development” (51% women), “Education” (57% women), “Real           estate,  renting  and  business  activities”  (90%  women), “Transport  and  Storage”           (95% women), “Recreational, cultural and sporting activities” (73% women) and           finally “Manufacture of pulp, paper and paper products; publishing and printing”           (60% women). As the percentages indicated in brackets show, these part-time           positions are “feminized” to different extents (Database PZJMK 2010).              The higher percentage of part-time positions for women compared to the           national average can also be related to the fact that sectors which seem to provide           an above average number of part-time positions in the Czech Republic in general           (e.g. research and development as well as education – cf. for example Dudová,           Vohlídalová 2008) are especially important in the economic structure of the city           of Brno (Brno is an important educational centre and hosts 6 public universities)           – cf. also Chapter 2.              The central question regarding these part-time arrangements concerns their           quality, that is, if they meet the needs of women/men e.g. with respect to reconciling           work and family life or if they are rather the result of what the literature (cf. for           example Dudová, Vohlídalová 2008) refers to as “negative work flexibility” (which             2   As outlined by the interviewed experts, part-time positions are often also designed especially for           disabled employees, subsidized by the Czech government.","Patterns of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno             2                is often imposed on employees and mainly related to the company’s demand for              a flexible work force; in contrast to “positive work flexibility”, which supports              reconciling work and family life). According to Dudová and Vohlídalová (2008),              in  the  Czech  Republic,  as  in  other  post-socialist  countries,  negative  working              flexibility arrangements prevail. These primarily occur in relation with working              positions characterized by a low level of the employee’s autonomy, a low income              and low educational requirements. At the same time, however, according to the              authors, part-time positions (as a specific form of flexible work arrangements)              in the Czech Republic are often concentrated in sectors which demand highly              qualified work (however, without large capital investments) as, for example, in              science,  education,  culture  and  public  administration.  The  pattern  described              above for the local level of Brno points to a combination of these two trends, with              a certain tendency to disadvantage women. While “Research and Development”              and “Education” offer the highest percentage of part-time positions in general,              in these sectors the positions are rather evenly distributed between women and              men. In sectors potentially demanding less qualified work (and probably tending              to negative working flexibility) part-time positions tend to be feminized.                 Fixed term contracts in the Czech Republic are less wide spread than in the EU.              Only about 8% of the employed had this type of contract in 2008 (on EU-average              14%). Employers, however, use this type more often for women (9.8% in 2008)              than men (6.5% in 2008). This is in accordance with the opinion of the interviewed              experts from the labour office Brno, who mentioned that fixed term contracts are              typical for feminized sectors, such as elementary and secondary school teachers,              where fixed term contracts have also been used to save labour costs during holiday              months (Interview with labour market experts from the Brno labour office).                 By contrast, self-employment is a domain of men. In 2008, 22.6% of men,              but only 11.9% of women, were self-employed in the Czech Republic (European              Commission 2009). Self-employment in the Czech Republic has been “resilient” to              the economic crisis and recently there has been no increase in self-employment.              Compared  to  employees,  the  Czech  self-employed  work  longer,  but  earn  less              money (European Commission 2010).                 Finally, another important point for evaluating women’s participation on the              labour market in general, are the different reasons for their non-participation              – that is, what keeps women out of the labour market?                 With regard to this question, the table presented above (1.1 Economic activity              in general) indicates that the census does not offer detailed information on this              question. With the exception of full-time education, the other categories which              group  together  the  different  reasons  for  why  people  of  working  age  remain              outside the labour market, are defined very broadly as “others with their own              source of income”, and “persons in the household, children of pre-school age, and              other dependent persons”. While the former category puts together such different              groups  as  parents  on  parental  leave  drawing  parental  allowance,  persons  on              welfare and those with other sources of income (such as rental income), the latter              refers to all adult persons who are dependent on another household member.              Hence these data allow only very limited conclusions on the reasons why people              remain outside of the labour market.","2                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?                A more detailed picture is provided by the Labour force survey, which also           asks for the main reason for economic inactivity. However, these data are again           not available at the city level. Nevertheless, data for the Czech Republic and the           South Moravian region (for the year 2009) show a very homogeneous picture,           which suggests a similar importance of the various reasons for the city of Brno.           For women, the most important reason is that they receive either an old age or           an invalidity pension (roughly one third of the women outside the LM). This is           followed by being in the educational system (also roughly one third). Finally, the           third reason (for roughly a quarter of those women who are outside the LM) is           care for the family and the household (approx. half of them in the framework of           the parental leave scheme). While this pattern is characteristic for women at both           the national and the regional level, it clearly differs from the pattern of men. For           the latter (again both nationally and regionally) participation in the educational           system represents the most important reason for remaining out of the labour           market  (it  applies  to  more  than  half  of  the  men  outside  the  labour  market);           followed by those who receive either an old age or invalidity pension (which is           roughly one third). Health reasons are in the third place for men, with a share of           less than five percent. Relating these data to local census data suggests a similar           level of involvement in the educational system for men and women. Hence, the           gender gap in economic inactivity is mainly a result of women’s caring duties.              While the above analysis provides a general overview of the current pattern           of women’s economic activity and inactivity in Brno compared to men and the           national level, in the following, we now turn to a more detailed analysis of the           described pattern in relation to educational attainment, age and caring duties.             1.3   the Labour Market participation of Women in Brno by                 educational attainment, age and presence of a preschool Child            In the following tables, the data from the census 2011 show how educational           attainment influences the integration of women in the labour market.            table 1.4 Economic Activity by Educational Attainment in 2011             CZeCh RepUBLIC                            MEN                                Pre-primary   Secondary   Secondary   Post-            Educational Attainment                                       Tertiary                                and primary   without GCSE  with GCSE  Secondary            Employed              24.       64.6      0.2      66.2     .8            Including on maternity   0        0         0         0        0            leave (% of the employed)            Unemployed (% of the            economic active / % of the   29. / 10.4  10.2 / .  .0 / .  6. / 4.  . / 2.8            population 1–64)            Not on the labour market  29.2   2.2      1.2      2.     1.9            In full-time education (not   .9  0.9     .      1.9       .            on the labour market)","Patterns of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno             29                table 1.4 Economic Activity by Educational Attainment in 2011 – Continuation                                                         WOMEN                                   Pre-primary   Secondary   Secondary   Post-                Educational Attainment                                       Tertiary                                   and primary   without GCSE  with GCSE  Secondary                Employed              16.2      48.       8.9     62.0      2.1                Including on maternity   .     .9       4.       .      .                leave (% of the employed)                Unemployed (% of the                economic active / % of the   2.9 / .  1. / .  8.0 / .1  . / .  4.1 / .1                population 1–64)                Not on the labour market  8.  4.       28.0     .0      20.                In full-time education (not   19.8  0.8    .9       1.      4.6                on the labour market)                BRno                                     MEN                                   Pre-primary   Secondary   Secondary   Post-                Educational Attainment                                       Tertiary                                   and primary   without GCSE  with GCSE  Secondary                Employed              2.9      61.9       64.9     8.8      6.4                Including on maternity   0       0          0        0         0                leave (% of the employed)                Unemployed (% of the                economic active / % of the   1.8 / 12.1  12.1 / 8.  8. / .9  6. / 4.2  .6 / 2.9                population 1–64)                Not on the labour market  20.  28.6       18.     .      1.4                In full-time education (not   41.6  0.9    10.      2.0      .4                on the labour market)                                                        WOMEN                                   Pre-primary   Secondary   Secondary   Post-                Educational Attainment                                       Tertiary                                   and primary   without GCSE  with GCSE  Secondary                Employed              1.      4.6       .     6.0      69.                Including on maternity   4.     .6       4.1       .1      .                leave (% of the employed)                Unemployed (% of the                economic active / % of the   2. / .9  14. / .4  8.9 / .  . / .4  4.6 / .4                population 1–64)                Not on the labour market  2.8  48.4       1.8     9.4      22.                In full-time education (not   2.8  0.6    9.       1.2      4.8                on the labour market)              Source: Census 2011                  In  Brno,  women  with  tertiary  education  show  both  the  highest  share  of              employment and the lowest share of unemployment. By contrast, women in Brno              with pre-primary/primary educational attainment as well as secondary without              GCSE have the highest risk of unemployment. These two categories also show the              lowest employment numbers for women in Brno. In the categories of secondary              with GCSE and post-secondary, the employment rates of women in Brno are","30                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             below the national average. Nevertheless, for these two groups unemployment           numbers are also lower than the national average.              In  comparison  to  men  in  all  categories  of  educational  attainment,  the           employment rate is higher for men than for women, though to different extents.           The most striking differences can be found in secondary education, both with           and without GCSE. The smallest gender gaps in employment are, by contrast,           related to post-secondary and tertiary educational attainment. What is striking in           relation to the unemployment numbers is the fact, that with the exception of two           categories; pre-primary/primary and post-secondary men have not only higher           employment rates but also lower rates of unemployment. We will return to these           gender differences in employment related to educational attainment in the second           chapter, with the discussion of both the structure of educational attainment of           the labour force in Brno, as well as the structure of the Brno labour market.              The comparison of the employment rates of the various categories of educational           attainment in Brno to national numbers shows a very similar structure. What           is striking however is the fact that the level of employment (for both men and           women) is higher in all the categories of educational attainment, with the only           exceptions being pre-primary and primary. While the level of unemployment is           quite comparable, these differences mainly stem from a higher level of economic           non-activity in Brno.              The census data on economic activity by age group (Table 1.5) indicate a very           clear trend for women’s employment and labour market participation in Brno:           women’s highest labour market participation is found in the age groups 40–54           and 25–39. In the latter category, however, there is also a rather high level of           unemployment (10.1% of the economic active). The lowest level of employment           and the highest level of unemployment are both related to the category 15–24.           While  the  low  level  of  employment  in  this  age  group  is  related  to  the  high           percentage of women who, at that age, are still in full-time education, the high           unemployment rate points to the problem of youth unemployment (probably           also related to the lower level of education attainment) i.e. those who enter the           labour market at young age. The age group 55–64 shows a rather low employment           rate and a low unemployment rate. Women in this age group leave the labour           market rather than staying in unemployment. The overall age pattern of women’s           economic activity in Brno is very similar to the pattern found on the national           level, with the only exception being the group of women between 55–64. For           them, the percentage of employment in Brno is 9 PP higher than on the national           level and the employment rate lower.              The gender gap in employment and unemployment adds further information           on the age pattern of women’s labour market integration. The greatest differences           are found in the age groups 25–39 (14.4 PP) and 55–64 (18.4 PP). The differences           in the latter group are related to differences in the retirement age of women and           men. The average age of retired women was 59.6 years. For men, it was 61.4 years           (ČSÚ 2012).","Patterns of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno             1                table 1.5 Economic Activity by Age Groups in 2011                 CZeCh RepUBLIC                              MEN                Age group                1–24    2–9    40–4    –64    Overall                Employed                  .8     88.0     8.1     .     2.2                Including on maternity leave    0   0        0        0        0                (% of the employed)                Unemployed (% of the economic                active / % of the population 1–64)  22. / 9.8  8.1 / .   .8/ .4  9. / 6.0  9.6 / .                Not on the labour market  1.8      .2      .      6.2     10.                In full-time education (not on the                labour market)            4.6     1.1       0        0       9.8                                                           WOMEN                Age group                1–24    2–9    40–4    –64    overall                Employed                  28.4     2.     8.1     .     60.                Including on maternity leave    .4  10.1   0.2       0       4.                (% of the employed)                Unemployed (% of the economic   20.4 / .  10. / 8.  9. / 8.6  8. / .   10. / .1                active / % of the population 1–64)                Not on the labour market  .8      18.1     8.      9.2     22                In full-time education (not on the   60.6  1.2  0     0       10.4                labour market)                  BRno                                        MEN                Age group                1–24    2–9    40–4    –64    Overall                Employed                  0.     8.4     8.     64.     .4                Including on maternity leave                (% of the employed)        0        0        0        0        0                Unemployed (% of the economic   22. / 8.9  8.2 / .8  8.2 / .8  8.6 / 6.1  9.4 / .                active / % of the population 1–64)                Not on the labour market  1.4      2.      4.9      29.     .9                In full-time education (not on the   8.9  2.1  0     0       11.0                labour market)                                                           WOMEN                Age group                1–24    2–9    40–4    –64    Overall                Employed                  28.1     .0     8.6     46.     62.9                Including on maternity leave    4.6  9.8    0.       0       24.                (% of the employed)                Unemployed (% of the economic                active / % of the population 1–64)  19.2 / 6.  10.1 / 8.2  8.8 / 8.1  6.9 / .4  9.9 / 6.9                Not on the labour market  .1      16.     8.      0.     19.                In full-time education (not on the                labour market)            62.1     2.       0        0       10.9              Source: Census 2011","32                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?                In the former group, this is related to the employment impact of women’s           childcare duties. While for men the labour market participation between 25–54           remains stable, the data on women show a difference of 10.6 PP in employment           between  the  age  groups  of  25–39  and  40–54).  That  is,  while  women  in  the           younger  age  group  tend  to  withdraw  from  the  labour  market  for  child  care           (mostly up to 3 years), men have to take over the role of the main breadwinner           (employment figures for men are highest in this age category compared to the           other age categories) (cf. for example Křížková 2003; Čermáková et al. 2000). The           higher age group shows, in contrast, significantly higher employment rates, lower           unemployment rates and the lowest figures of non-employment. According to           Čermáková et al. (2000), women of this age group have a second chance to launch           their career. This possibility is related to gender norms, which, after the youngest           child has entered elementary school (at the age of six) or at least kindergarten (at           the age of three), support the full-time reintegration of women into the labour           market. At  the  same  time,  however,  in  this  situation  women  are  expected  to           manage their partly conflicting roles related to paid employment, housework and           childcare.              This pattern is clearly confirmed by the census data on the economic activity           of women with young children, outlined in the following tables.             table 1.6 Economic Activity of Women with Young Children in 2011             CZeCh RepUBLIC                                 WOMEN            Age of the youngest child          0–2      –      6–14     1–2            Employed                           41.1     69.4     8.     8.6            Including on maternity leave (% of the   6.6  0.9   0.1       0.0            employed)            Unemployed (% of the economic active / % of   . / 2.4  18.0 / 1.2  9. / 9.0  .9 / .            the population 1–64)            Not on the labour market           .     14.8     6.9       6.6            In full-time education (not on the labour   0.4  0.  0.2      0.1            market)            BRno                                           WOMEN            Age of the youngest child          0–2      –      6–14     1–2            Employed                           40.9     68.     82.     8.1            Including on maternity leave (% of the            employed)                          6.     0.8      0.2       0.0            Unemployed (% of the economic active / % of   .4 / 2.  18. / 1.  10. / 9.9   .9 / .            the population 1–64)            Not on the labour market           .6     1.     .0       .4            In full-time education (not on the labour   0.6  0.  0.2      0.0            market)           Source: Census 2011","Patterns of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno                   While in the group of women with a child aged 0–2 only 40.9% are employed              (out of which two thirds are currently on maternity leave) and more than half              of the women with children in this age group are outside the labour market (e.g.              in the framework of the parental leave scheme), the share of employed women              importantly increases in the group of women with a child aged 3–5. Here, 68.5%              are  employed  and  15.7%  are  outside  the  labour  market. What  is  nevertheless              striking in this category is the high level of unemployment: 18.3% of the economic              active. That is an unemployment rate for mothers of a child aged 3–5 in Brno that              is almost twice as high as the average unemployment rate for women in Brno,              which indicates that a woman’s return to the labour market after maternity and              parental leave is rather problematic.                 This pattern is closely related to the normative pressures, exerted in the Czech              context on mothers, to limit paid work and to personally care for their children              (cf.  for  example  Dudová, Vohlídalová  2008;  Hašková,  Uhde  2009,  Křížková  et              al.  2011). Women  are  not  considered  to  be  good  mothers  unless  they  stay  at              home for at least three years with each child. This norm is closely related to the              discourse of Czech paediatricians and psychologists against early institutional              childcare, which dates back to the 1960s (cf. Saxonberg, Hašková, Mudrák 2012).              This will be discussed in more detail in Chapters 3 and 5. Non-compliance with              this norm is very likely to meet with incomprehension and is judged as failure              to fulfil the role of a �good mother’. From the point of view of women’s labour              market participation, this norm produces rather long absences for mothers, thus              complicating  their  re-entry  to  the  labour  market  (Čermáková  2000;  Dudová,              Vohlídalová 2008; Hašková, Uhde 2009; Křížková et al. 2011).                 Hence, young women are often perceived as problematic by employers. In the              case of motherhood, they are expected to leave employment for about three years.              The employment impact of parenthood is also clearly evident when comparing              employment rates of women (aged 20–49) with and without the presence of a              child aged 0–6. With a difference of 40 percentage points between the respective              employment rates, women in the Czech Republic show the highest differences              in the context of a comparison of 30 European countries (Saxonberg 2014, 2011;              Plantega, Remery 2009).In public opinion surveys (1995 and 2003, organized by              the Academy of Science) both men and women see women’s care and family              responsibilities as the main reason and hindrance of why women do not reach              working  positions  comparable  to  men  (Dudová,  Vohlídalová  2008;  Křížková              2003).                 This strong impact of motherhood on women’s labour market participation              is also evident in the Brno census data from 2011. While women with a child              aged 0–2 have a significantly lower employment rate (40.9%) in comparison to              women without a child aged 0–2 (64.5%), for women with a child aged 3–5 the              employment  rate  is  comparable.  For  women  with  children  in  this  age  group,              the employment rate is even slightly higher (68.7%) than for women without              children in this age group (62.5%) – this might also be influenced by the fact that              this group also includes older women, who gradually withdraw from the labour              market. The key difference among women with and without a child aged 3–5 is              however their risk of unemployment. While according to the Brno census data","3                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             18.3% of economically active women with a child aged 3–5 are unemployed, only           9.4% of economically active women without a child aged 3–5 are unemployed           (the average for all women is 9.9%). Hence, for a woman with a child aged 3–5           living in Brno, the risk of unemployment is twice as high as for a woman without           a child in this age group. Though we do not have data segregated by educational           attainment available, a look at the data on educational attainment strongly suggests           that this risk is even higher for women with lower educational attainment, that is,           pre-primary or primary as well as secondary without GCSE.              1.4   Conclusions           The  aim  of  this  chapter  was  to  provide  an  overview  of  the  basic  patterns  of           women’s labour market participation in Brno. In the light of the political changes           related to the end of the communist regime in 1989, this analysis is closely related           to  the  question  of  whether  and  how  the  patterns  of  women’s  labour  market           participation,  which  developed  under  communist  rule,  remained  the  same           or changed. The overview and analysis of relevant data available for the local           level  (especially  from  the  census  in  1991,  2001  and  2011)  suggests  important           continuities, when it comes to the basic norms and values related to women’s           labour market participation and most importantly the ways of combining gainful           employment  with  care  responsibilities.  Despite  a  certain  decrease  of  women’s           labour  market  participation  during  the  1990s,  the  norm  of  their  full-time           labour market participation remained rather stable. Similarly, the expectation of           personal full-time care by the mother until the child reaches the age of three still           plays an important role, as shown by the data on the labour market participation           of women with children in this age group. However, what has fundamentally           changed since 1989 is the economic and social context in which these patterns           take place today and hence the consequences for women on the labour market:           while under communist rule (with guaranteed employment) the norm of full-time           labour market participation in combination with a strongly gendered division           of care duties, requiring long absences in case of motherhood, predominantly           meant  a  constraint  on  a  women’s  career,  in  the  current  economic  context,  it           moreover significantly increases the risk of unemployment. As the discussion of           the unemployment rates of women with children in different age groups showed,           in Brno, the risk of unemployment doubles for women with children aged 3–5;           that is, for those women who, after having a child, wish to return to the labour           market.              From the perspective of the FLOWS project and its main goal of examining           the potential support on the part of local welfare systems for women’s labour           market participation, this group of women is of special interest: these women are           willing to work, while at the same time, due to their caring responsibilities, they           have problems in finding their way back into the labour market. In the course           of the following chapters, we will therefore examine the situation of this group           of women in more detail, from two different perspectives. In Chapter 3, we will","Patterns of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno                focus on how family and child care policies on the national and local level support              and/or hinder women’s return to the labour market after having a child. Finally, in              Chapter 5, we will present the results of two focus group discussions with women              with  lower  and  higher  educational  attainment,  with  a  child  of  preschool  age              (0–5). This allows going beyond the analysis of statistics and policy documents              to explore how this group of women perceives and evaluates their own situation              and what kind of strategies they develop in the given policy context in order to              successfully manage their return to the labour market.                 Apart  from  women  with  child  care  responsibilities,  the  following  chapters              will also focus on care responsibilities in relation to care for elderly dependents.              Elder  care  responsibilities  also  potentially  influence  women’s  labour  market              participation. However, in contrast to the group of women caring for preschool              children, this group of women is not that visibly and clearly definable from the              point of view of statistical analysis. Hence, at this stage, we cannot present data on              how caring responsibilities for elder dependent relatives impact women’s labour              market integration, in a way comparable to the data presented above on women              with child care responsibilities for preschool children. Nevertheless, we will look              at this phenomenon in a similar way. That is, in Chapter 4, we will present how              policies related to elder care frame the situation and decision making of women              with such care responsibilities and in Chapter 6, we will present the results of              two  focus  group  discussions  with  women  with  lower  and  higher  educational              attainment, with caring responsibilities for an elderly dependent family member.              Both perspectives will help to provide more data on this topic and its implications              for women’s labour market integration.                 ReFeRenCeS               Brno Business Facts, 2010. Published by the Statutory City of Brno, City Strategy Office.              Census, 2011. Sčítání lidí, domů a bytů 2011. (Census of people, houses and flats 2011). Data                 ordered from the Czech Statistical Office.              Čermáková, M., 1997. Postavení žen na trhu práce. (The position of women on the labour                 market). Sociologický časopis, 33(4), pp. 389–404.              Čermáková, M. et al., 2000. Relations and changes of gender differences in the Czech society in                 the 1990s. Praha: Sociologický ústav Akademie věd České republiky.              ČSÚ, 2003. Sčítání lidu, domů a bytů k 1. 3. 2001 – obyvatelstvo, byty, domy a domácnosti Okres                 Brno-město. (Results of the Census 2001 for the city of Brno). Praha: Český statistický                 úřad.              ČSÚ, 2012. Zaostřeno na ženy a muže 2012. (Focus on Women and Men 2012). Praha: Český                 statistický úřad.              Database PZJMK, 2010. Local employment survey. Brno: Úřad práce Brno-město.              Dudová, R. \&Vohlídalová, M., 2008. Nová rizika pracovního trhu: flexibilita a marginalizace.                 (New labour market risks – flexibility and marginalization). In R. Dudová, ed. Nové šance                 a rizika: flexibilita práce, marginalizace a soukromý život u vybraných povolání a sociálních                 skupin. (New opportunities and risks: work flexibility, marginalization and private life                 inparticular occupations and social groups). Praha: Sociologický ústav AV ČR, pp. 15–32.              FSÚ, 1981. Rozbor Sčítání lidu, domů a bytů 1980. (Analysis of census 1980). Brno: Městské                 oddělení Českého statistického úřadu v Brně.","3                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             FSÚ, 1985. Vývoj společnosti ČSSR (Podle výsledku sčítání lidu, domů a bytů 1980).              (Development of the population of the CSSR according to the results of census 1980).              Praha: Federální statistický úřad.           Hašková, H. \& Uhde, Z. 2009. Women and social citizenship in Czech society: continuity and              change. Praha: Institute of Sociology, Academy of sciences of the Czech Republic.           Krajská statistická správa, 1992. Výsledky sčítání lidu, domů a bytů 1991 v okrese Brno-město              (Census 1991 in the Brno district). Brno: Krajská statistická správa Brno.           Křížková, A., 2003. Postavení žen na trhu práce a jejich pracovní preference. (The position of              women on the labour market and their working preferences). In H. Hašková, A. Křížková,              H. Maříková \& R. Radimská, eds. Rovné příležitosti mužů a žen přislaďování práce              a rodiny? (Equal opportunities for men and women for reconciling work and family?).              Praha: Sociologický ústav Akademie věd České republiky, pp. 5–28.           Křížková, A., Maříková, H., Hašková, H. \& Formánková, L. 2011. Pracovní dráhy žen v České              republice. (Work trajectories of women in the Czech Republic). Praha: SLON.           Marek, J., 2011. Analýza trhu práce v okrese Brno-město za rok 2010. (Analysis of the labour              market in Brno-město 2010). Brno: Úřad práce Brno-město.           Pfau-Effinger, B., 2004. Historical paths of the male breadwinner family model – explanation              for cross-national differences. British Journal of Sociology, 55(3), pp. 377–399.           Plantega, J. \& Chantal, R., 2009. The provision of childcare services. A comparative review of              30 European countries. European Commissions’s Expert group on Gender and Employment              Issues. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European communities.           Saxonberg, S., 2011. Tensions in Family Policies in Post-Communist Central Europe.              In B. Pfau-Effinger \& T. Rostgaard, eds. Care between work and welfare in European              societies. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 52–78.           Saxonberg, S., 2014. Gendering Family Policies in Post-Communist Europe: A Historical-              Institutional Analysis. Basingstoke: Palgrave.           Saxonberg, S., Hašková, H. \& Mudrák, J., 2012. The Development of Czech Childcare Policies.              Praha: SLON.           ÚP Brno-město, 2010. Analýza trhu práce v okrese Brno-město za rok 2009. (Analysis of the              labour market in Brno city in 2009). Brno: Úřad práce Brno-město.","the struCturaL Context of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno                  ChapteR 2              the Structural Context of Women’s Labour Market participation              in Brno                   While the first chapter focused on patterns of women’s labour market participation              in Brno, providing data on the extent to which women in Brno are active in the              labour market, as well as on how this participation differs for different groups              of  women,  the  aim  of  the  second  chapter  is  to  provide  information  on  the              structural context of the patterns identified in the first chapter. After presenting              the economic structure of the local labour market and its development, as well              as the educational structure of the labour force in Brno, we will especially focus              on discussing the horizontal and vertical segregation of the labour market in              Brno and the related gender pay gap. Again, our main source of information is              census data, supplemented by data from the labour force survey and other local              sources.                 2.1   historical Background and Gender Segregation in education               Historically speaking, Brno gained in economic and regional importance from                    th              the 19  century on, as it grew as an industrial centre (textile industry, electrical              and  mechanical  engineering).  The  current  employment  structure  in  Brno  is              influenced by this tradition as well as by the former state-socialist regime and the              transformation process during the 1990s. In 1989 before the fall of the communist              regime, Brno was an important industrial centre (mostly machinery industry)              and this tendency continued in the early 1990s. However, the process of economic              transformation of the 1990s brought central changes to the economic structure.              It meant, first and foremost, the privatisation of the large state enterprises, mostly              splitting them into smaller entities, of which some industrial enterprises were              also  sold  to  foreign  investors  while  some  other  important  enterprises  were              closed down (e.g. the munitions factory Zbrojovka Brno with its roughly 10,000              employees).  Yet,  the  city’s  tradition  of  electrical  and  mechanical  engineering              continues to be important and, in recent years, Brno has also started gaining              importance as a centre of information technology business. (Brno Business Facts              2010; Hospodařské podmínky 2010; Interview with labour market experts from              the Brno labour office).                 While  in  1989  the  industrial  (secondary)  sector  was  dominant,  employing              almost 50% of the people working in Brno, this changed quickly in the early years              of the 1990s. By 2008, 27.8% of the employed worked in the industrial sector, 72%              worked in the service industry and 0.2% worked in the primary sector. Hence, a              shift from industry to the service sector has dominated over the last 20 years. This","3                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             trend is intensified by Brno’s importance as a regional centre, hosting many public           institutions such as the national constitutional court, the ombudsman, the Brno           municipal government and the South Moravian Region administration. Brno is           also important for its trade fairs and educational institutions. All of these sectors           provide important employment opportunities for women. The city hosts 6 public           universities with 27 faculties offering a broad range of university studies (e.g.           engineering, information technology, humanities, economics, agriculture, arts and           armed services) with over 80,000 students. Additionally, 6 private universities are           located in Brno serving 4,600 students. (Brno Business Facts 2010; Hospodářské           podmínky  2010;  Interview  with  labour  market  experts  from  the  Brno  labour           office).              The city initiated a campaign to attract foreign investors quite late. By the           1990s when most big Czech cities began to invite foreign investors, Brno’s city           administration did not follow suit. According to the experts from the labour office,           when Brno finally started, its strategy was rather weak. They invited enterprises,           such as assembling and packaging companies, that did not bring high added value           and focused on low labour costs. Hence, they easily moved on towards cheaper           labour costs. Around 2005, foreign investment incentives started being directed           towards the electronics and ICT industries. Companies such as IBM, Honeywell           and Red Hat entered the Brno labour market and started providing important           employment opportunities (Interview with labour market experts from the Brno           labour office).              The  transformation  to  capitalism  brought  completely  new  possibilities  for           private entrepreneurs. Many people, including some who had been laid off in           the  privatization  process,  became  entrepreneurs.  The  retail  sector  developed           extensively (Interview with labour market experts from the Brno labour office).              Before  we  turn  to  the  detailed  analysis  of  employment  patterns  of  men           and women in the particular economic sectors in Brno showing sectoral and           occupational  gender  segregation,  we  will  have  a  look  at  the  distribution  of           educational attainment of women and men living in Brno, as well as of the Brno           labour force. This is important because both sectoral and occupational segregation           are, to a certain extent, only a continuation of the segregation in education.              To start with, the census data from the years 1991, 2001 and 2011 that are           presented in Table 2.1 show that the share of men and women in the different           categories of educational attainment has remained quite consistent since the fall           of the communist regime. At the same time, however, important changes occurred           with regards to the relevance of the different educational categories for women           and men in general.              In all three census years, women and men respectively dominated the same           educational groups. Over the last 20 years, however, the ratio between them has           levelled out, that is their representation in the various educational categories has           become more balanced. This tendency was strongest in the category of tertiary           education, but also when it comes to pre-primary and primary education. While           women have had a stronger presence in the categories of pre-primary/primary","the struCturaL Context of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno  9                table 2.1 Educational Attainment in Brno in 1991, 2001 and 2011                                              1991                     2001                                         Population 1+           Population 1+                                               share   share in         share   share in                                          %                        %                                  % men        in men  women  % men     in men  women                                        women                    women                                               total  total              total  total               Pre-primary and primary  .  66.  118.  11.1  4.4  6.6  111.  120.0               Secondary without GCSE  1.9  48.1  1.6  126.6  2.6  4.4  129.0  124.               Secondary with GCSE  41.8  8.2  126.  11.8  41.8  8.2  122.  129.4               Post-secondary       0     0     0      0    0.1  69.9  111.9  11.               Tertiary education  6.2  6.8  121.2  110.  6.4  4.6  12.0  11.2                                               100.0  100.0             100.0  100.0                                            2011                                         Population 1+                                               share   share in                                          %                                  % men        in men   women                                        women                                               total  total               Pre-primary and primary  8.  61.  111.4  116.               Secondary without GCSE  .  46.  128.0  121.6               Secondary with GCSE  2.6  .4  128.  1.8               Post-secondary      1.  68.  112.  114.4               Tertiary education  2.  4.  10.1  12.9                                               100.0  100.0              Source: ČSÚ 2003; Krajská statistická správa 1992; Census 2011               education,  secondary  with  GCSE   and  post-secondary,  men  have  prevailed  in                                            1              the categories of secondary without GCSE and tertiary education. This shows              a clear long-term pattern of educational segregation, where boys are directed              towards vocational areas, while girls prevail in general high schools as well as              high schools with a specific vocational orientation (e.g. economic-business high              schools, medical high schools, etc.) which also end with GCSE. This pattern is              furthermore  related  to  the  level  of  post-secondary  education  where  technical              and professional higher institutions offer non-tertiary post-secondary education              courses (cz: nástavbové studium).                 According to Čermáková et al. (2000), the point of transition from primary              to secondary education (at the age of 14) plays a central role in this pattern.              While at this point boys choose/are directed towards vocational training and              apprenticeships,  girls  choose/are  directed  towards  secondary  education  with              GCSE. This pattern mimics the quota system of the former state-socialist regime              (Čermáková et al. 2000; Šmídová, Janoušková, Katrňák 2010) and the rather minor              changes during the 1990s indicate that it has also remained stable throughout the              economic transformation.                 1   The Czech version of the GCSE (General certificate of secondary education) is called “maturita”              and is a necessary prerequisite for admission to an university or post-secondary education.","0                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?                Despite the fact that this pattern of educational segregation remained more           or less stable, the census data still show very important changes when it comes           to the relevance of the specific categories of educational attainment for women           and men overall. To a certain extent these changes also relativize the pattern           described above. While in 1991, one third of men 15+ had secondary education           without GCSE, followed by a quarter with secondary education with GCSE and a           fifth with tertiary education, in 2011 these three categories turned upside down.           Today almost a third of men have tertiary education, while a bit more than a           quarter  have  secondary  education  with  and  without  GCSE.  Hence,  from  this           point of view, secondary education without GCSE has become less statistically           significant for men, while tertiary education has become more important. For           women the changes over the last twenty years are even greater. While in 1991           almost two thirds of women had (in equal parts) secondary education with GCSE           and pre-primary/primary education and approximately a quarter had secondary           education with GCSE, in 2011, the number of women with pre-primary/primary           education  dropped  significantly.  Though  secondary  education  with  GCSE           remained the most important category for women (one third), it is now followed           by tertiary education and secondary education without GCSE. While for men, the           main shift was from secondary education without GCSE to tertiary education,           for women an even greater shift happened from pre-primary and primary to           tertiary education. This strong shift also explains the decrease in differences in the           share of men and women in the categories of pre-primary/primary and tertiary           education.              While the census data of the last 20 years for the population 15+ living in           Brno clearly shows the long term trends of educational attainment, these data           give only limited information on the educational attainment of people actually           working in Brno. In this regard the data presented in the following Table 2.2           provides a more detailed picture. It presents data from an annual survey of the           Brno  labour  office ,  mostly  among  companies  with  more  than  20  employees.                           2           These data are contrasted with census data from the year 2011 for the age group           15–64 (including those who are not economically active, as well as those who are           not working in Brno).              The  gender  segregation  pattern  in  the  different  categories  of  educational           attainment again remains stable. However, contrasting the survey data with the           educational structure of the population 15–64 in Brno shows what kind of labour           force is especially attracted by the working opportunities in Brno (at least in           relation to larger companies). The city of Brno attracts a highly educated labour           force; approx. two thirds of the employed have secondary education with GCSE           and tertiary education. Here the fact that Brno is an important educational centre           also plays a role, as many students stay in Brno after graduating from university           (Interview with labour market experts from the Labour Office Brno). However,              2   The sample amounted to 124,776 employees which covers only approximately 50% of the currently           working population in Brno (according to estimations by the labour office 240,000), with a certain           bias towards large companies (small companies with up to 20 employees are underrepresented in           the sample) (ÚP Brno-město 2010).","the struCturaL Context of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno  41                table 2.2 Education Level of Employees at the City Level in 2010 and the Population              1–64 in 2011                                            2010                      2011                                     Survey Brno labour office  Census data, age group 1–64               Education level                share   share in          share   share in                                         %                         %                                 % men        in men   women   % men    in men   women                                       women                     women                                              total  total              total  total               Pre-primary and primary  .9  64.1  1.4  16.  46.9  .1  12.  12.8               Secondary without GCSE  64.  .  28.4  16.9  .1  42.9  2.2  2.               Secondary with GCSE  42.9  .1  0.  4.  4.  6.   29.0  2.4               Post-secondary     4.6  6.4   11.  1.   28.4  1.6   11.8  1.1               Tertiary education  .0  4.0  6.  29.6   0.9  49.1   29.  28.4              Source: Brno labour office – Database PZJMK 2010; authors’ calculations; Census 2011               the data also suggests that the opportunities differ for women and men. While the              workforce covered in the Brno survey consists of a significantly larger portion of              men with tertiary education, the female workforce shows a share in secondary              education with GCSE far above the share in the population aged 15–64. Thus it              appears Brno offers special working opportunities for these two groups, while              women  with  secondary  education  without  GCSE  have  fewer  opportunities  to              find employment in the city. It is, however, hard to tell to what extent these trends              are influenced by the sample of the survey and are applicable to the Brno labour              market as a whole. Nevertheless, the survey shows a clear trend for the larger              companies operating in Brno.                 These  considerations  already  show  a  certain  link  between  the  gender              segregation in education and the gender segregation of the labour market. In the              following we will therefore have a closer look at the latter.                2.2   Gender Segregation of the Labour Market in Brno               Gender segregation of the labour market is a phenomenon with global and long              term  relevance. This  has been  repeatedly pointed out by  feminist and gender              theorists  dealing  with  the  participation  of  women  in  the  labour  market  both              in  the  context  of  the  Czech  Republic  (Křížková  2009b;  Šmídová,  Janoušková,              Katrňák 2010; Valentová, Šmídová, Katrňák 2010), as well as internationally (e.g.              Hartmann 1976; Walby 1988; Anker 1998; England 2005 – also cited in Křížková              2009b).                 The phenomenon of labour market gender segregation is related to the gendered              division of labour which is evident not only in the concentration of women/men              in certain sectors and occupations (horizontal segregation), but also in relation              to working positions and different contract and working conditions as well as              income, prestige and job stability (vertical/hierarchical segregation). The dividing              line between these two forms of segregation is not always possible to determine","2                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             clearly however, as, for example, many of the occupational categories used for the           analysis of segregation include both occupational as well as hierarchical elements           (Křížková 2009b; Bettio, Verashchagina 2009).              The  literature  on  labour  market  gender  segregation  provides  different           approaches to measuring segregation (cf. for example Anker 1998: 68–95). In this           respect, indices play a central role for the measurement of the overall level of           segregation in a country and for the international comparison of this situation           (Anker  1998;  Bettio, Verashchagina  2009).  For  example,  the  recent  European           Commission  report  on  “Gender  segregation  in  the  labour  market”  (Bettio,           Verashchagina  2009)  uses  both  the “standardised  or  Karmel  and  MacLachlan           index (IP)” and the “Duncan and Duncan index of dissimilarity (ID)”, the former           of which is also used in the European Employment strategy. Both indices depart           from the assumption that segregation implies a different distribution of women           and men across occupations or sectors: the less equal the distribution, the higher           the level of segregation. Both can be interpreted as the share of the employed           population that would need to change the occupation/sector in order to bring           about an even distribution of men and women (Bettio, Verashchagina 2009).              One way to complete the picture provided by segregation indices on a more           detailed  local  level  is  to  analyse  the  ratio  of  men  and  women  in  different           occupations/sectors and identify male/female-dominated and mixed occupations/           sectors (Bettio, Verashchagina 2009; Křížková 2009b). In the following, such a           detailed analysis will be the central method used to examine the horizontal and           vertical gender segregation of the labour market in Brno. To contextualize these           findings, we will furthermore evaluate the Czech Republic in comparison with           other EU-member states based on the IP and ID indexes.              The central question in regard to the detailed examination of occupations/           sectors  is  how  male/female-dominated  and  mixed  occupations/sectors  are           defined. Here, two central decisions have to be taken: the mid-point for analysis           and the width of the middle band (Hakim 1993). The mid-point can either be           chosen “theoretically” or based on the actual female share in the labour force.           While Hakim (1993) and Bettio and Verashchagina (2009) depart from the actual           share of women in the labour force (using a middle band of +/�15 percentage�15 percentage15 percentage           points) Křížková (2009b, referring to Reskin and Roos 1990) argues for setting           the mid-point for analysis at 50 per cent (with a middle band of +/�10 percentage�10 percentage10 percentage           points). According to Křížková, Hakim’s approach tends to conserve the current           (unequal) condition. In the following analysis we will follow the latter approach           and define segregated (male/female dominated) sectors/occupations as those in           which one of the sexes is represented at a rate of 60 percent or more. While equal           representation is defined as 50% women’s participation in the respective sector/           occupation, a representation within the range of 40–60% is evaluated as mixed .                                                                               3              Using  this  basic  definition,  we  will  focus  first  and  foremost  on  sectors/           occupations in which one of the sexes has a rate of 60 percent or more participation.           We  have  also  rated  the  intensity  of  the  segregation  in  the  various  sectors/             3   Following Hakim’s approach, based on the share of women in the labour force, would mean a mid-           point of 43 (with a band for mixed occupations of 28–58) for the Czech Republic and 45 (30–60)           for the city of Brno (according to data provided by the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs).","the struCturaL Context of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno  4                occupations.  Here,  we  differentiate  minimally  segregated  sectors/occupations              (marked yellow, with a male/female percentage of 60–70%), moderately segregated              sectors/occupations  (highlighted  in  orange,  with  a  male/female  percentage  of              70–80%) and finally highly segregated sectors/occupations (marked red, with a              male/female percentage of over 80%). This intensity scale is inspired by Anker              (1998), who argues that occupations with a male/female percentage of over 80%              (that is a ratio of male (female) workers to female (male) workers of 4 to 1),              constitute instances where gender-stereotyping is clear and the underrepresented              sex  has  neither  equal  opportunities  of  entering  these  sectors/occupations  nor              would probably feel comfortable in working in these occupations.                 The data used for documenting gender segregation for the Czech Republic              in general and in the city of Brno in particular comes from three different data              sets: For the national level, the publication Zaostřeno na ženy a muže 2010 (Focus              on Men and Women 2010) published online by the Czech statistical office (ČSÚ              2010d) provides an overview of the development of sectoral and occupational              gender segregation on the Czech labour market from 1993 to 2009. At the local              city level, data is not that easily available. The Census provides rough data on              sectoral and occupational segregation for the years 1991, 2001 and 2011. More              detailed data on Brno (for the year 2010) comes from an annual survey organized              by  the  Brno  labour  office  (Database  PZJMK  2010).  Though  the  data  is  quite              detailed, its value is limited as it covers only approximately 50% of the people              currently employed in the city of Brno (according to estimates by the labour              office 240,000), with a certain bias towards large companies (small companies              with up to 20 employees are underrepresented in the sample).This potentially              influences the data on gender segregation calculated from this data set. Unlike the              first two data sources, which are easily available, the data from the labour office              survey is not regularly published, but was especially made available by the labour              office for the purpose of the project.                 In  2009,  on  national  average,  11out  of  the  first  19  NACE  sectors  (A–S),              almost two thirds, were segregated in the sense that either the male or the female              percentage exceeded 60%. In 8 of these segregated sectors men dominated. These              are outlined in Table 2.3.               table 2.3 Male Dominated Sectors National Average 2009                                                                         % of total male                Sector (NACE) – 2009                      % men                                                                        employment                (F) Construction                           91.8           16.2                (B) Mining and quarrying                   8.6           11.6                (D) Electricity, gas, steam and air conditioning supply  81.0  11.                (E) Water supply                           80.           11.                (H) Transportation and storage             4.2           18.                (J) Information and communication          .           1.4                (A) Agriculture, forestry and fishing      69.6           1.8                (C) Manufacturing                          64.8           28.              Source: VŠPS – ČSÚ 2010d","Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?                Table 2.3 furthermore shows that the majority of these sectors are moderately           or highly segregated sectors, that is with a percentage of men of over 70%. Half of           them are even strongly segregated, that is in these sectors the men-women ratio is           4 to 1 or higher, which means that these sectors are stereotypically male, and the           likeliness for women to work in these sectors is very low.              As far as the importance of these sectors for male labour market participation           is concerned, three of these segregated sectors – Manufacturing, Construction           as  well  as  Transportation  and  storage  –  employ  more  than  half  of  the  men           participating on the labour market (53.4%) and approx. two thirds of men work           in segregated sectors.              The following Table 2.4 outlines the female dominated sectors.            table 2.4 Female Dominated Sectors National Average 2009                                                                      % of total female            Sector (NACE) – 2009                       % female                                                                     employment            (Q) Human health and social work activities  81.          12.6            (P) Education                                .2          1.            (S) Other service activities                 62.          12.           Source: VŠPS – ČSÚ 2010d               Female employees dominate in three sectors, from which two are moderately           or highly segregated sectors with over 70% women. These are Education and           Human health and social work activities, the latter showing a female percentage of           over 80%. That is, sector Q is a stereotypically female sector. This sector, together           with education, makes up approx. one fifth of women’s employment.              As  far  as  the  typically  male/female  dominated  sectors  are  concerned,  data           for the city of Brno (Databaze PZJMK 2010) shows very similar results. These           differ in the intensity of segregation, however, as well as in their importance for           the male/female employment related to the specific structure of the Brno labour           market.            table 2.5 Male Dominated Sectors in the City of Brno 2010                                                                     % of total male            Sector (NACE) – 2009                        % men                                                                     employment            (F) Construction                             .          11.2            (D) Electricity, gas, steam and air conditioning supply  4.  11.1            (C) Manufacturing                            2.2          16.            (E) Water supply                             1.          11.0            (H) Transportation and storage               6.6          1.            (J) Information and communication            69.1          19.2            (A) Agriculture, forestry and fishing        61.1          10.            (M) Professional, scientific and technical activities  60.  1.            Source: Brno labour office – Database PZJMK 2010, authors’ calculations","the struCturaL Context of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno  4                   As outlined in more detail in Table 2.5, in Brno, except for the manufacturing              sector, data shows the same male dominated sectors in the same order as on              national  average.  The  main  difference  in  these  sectors  is  that  the  intensity  of              segregation is lower on the local level: according to the data from the survey              of the Brno labour office, there are only minimally and moderately segregated              sectors in Brno.                 As previously mentioned, the city of Brno has a higher (medium) intensity              of segregation in the sector of manufacturing than the national averages. At the              same time, in Brno, this sector is less important in terms of overall (male and              female) employment (for men 16.7% in Brno vs. 28.5% on national average; for              women 7% in Brno vs. 20.7% on national average) (ČSÚ 2010d). This could be              explained by the fact that the important companies in the manufacturing sector              in Brno are stereotypically male: four out of the five of the biggest manufacturing              companies operate in the fields of electric equipment, fabricated metal products,              machinery  and  equipment.  There  is  only  one  large  (stereotypically  female)              company in Brno. It manufactures apparel (Database PZJMK 2010). Moreover, as              pointed out earlier in this chapter, during the last two decades the textile industry,              which is typically female dominated and was historically important for the city              of Brno, has declined in importance (Interview with labour market experts from              the Brno labour office).                 Also  the  sector  of  Professional,  scientific  and  technical  activities  shows  a              slightly higher segregation in Brno than on the national level. At the same time,              the share in male employment of this sector in Brno is more than twice as high              than on national average (3.6% on national average vs. 7.7% on the local level)              (ČSÚ 2010d). This is possible to explain by the fact that Brno is an important              university  city  and  hence  attracts  more  employees  in  this  sector.  From  the              6 public universities situated in Brno, Masaryk University and the University of              Technology are the most important employers in this field.                 Finally, the intensity of segregation of sector J, Information and communication,              slightly differs in comparison with the national average (low vs. medium). Again,              on the local level of Brno, this sector is more important for the employment of              men and women than on national average: in Brno 9.2% of all men (compared              to 3.4%) and 4.5% of all women (compared to 1.6%) work in this sector (ČSÚ              2010d). The general higher importance of this sector in the city of Brno seems to              also create more opportunities for women to work in this field (compared to the              national average).                 As outlined in Table 2.6, similar to the case of the male dominated sectors              described above, all the female dominated sectors identified in relation to the              national average are also female dominated at the level of the city of Brno. Again              however,  the  intensity  of  the  segregation  is  lower  and  the  female  dominated              sectors also show only low or moderate segregation.","Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             table 2.6 Female Dominated Sectors in the City of Brno 2010                                                                     % of total female            Sector (NACE) – 2009                    % women                                                                    employment            (Q) Human health and social work activities  8.          18.            (K) Financial and insurance activities    62.             12.6            (S) Other service activities              61.             11.2            (P) Education                             60.4             18.9            Source: Brno labour office – Database PZJMK 2010, authors’ calculations               An  exception  to  this  trend  of  less  intensive  segregation  on  the  local  level           is found in the Financial and insurance activities sector (sector K), which, for           women, remains slightly below 60 percent on national average. Sector K exceeds           the national average at the local level of Brno, however. In Brno, this sector is           slightly  less  important  in  terms  of  employment  of  women  than  on  national           average, while its importance for men is comparable on the local and national           levels (ČSÚ 2010d).              As far as the other two female dominated sectors are concerned, the female           employment structure differs markedly at the local level when compared to the           national average. According to the survey data provided by the Brno labour office           (Database PZJMK 2010), in the city of Brno, the sectors Q and P are much more           important  for  the  employment  of  women  than  on  national  average.  In  Brno,           18.5% of employed women work in Human health and social work sectors (on           national average only 12.6%). Similarly, 18.9% work in education, which is more           than  twice  the  percentage  of  women  on  national  average  (ČSÚ  2010d).  Both           these differences can be explained by the fact that Brno is the second largest city           of the Czech Republic and, as an important regional centre, it provides important           health  and  educational  infrastructure.  Four  out  of  the  five  biggest  and  most           important employers in sector Q are hospitals. And, as mentioned before, Brno is           an important university city with 6 public universities, of which the two largest           together employ over 6000 workers. Nevertheless these shares are also potentially           biased by the form and sample of the survey. According to the census data for           Brno presented later on in this chapter (for the year 2011), only 13.1% of the           employed women in Brno work in Education and 14.4% in Human health and           social work activities. Hence, according to these figures, the differences between           the local and the national levels are not that striking.              The  picture  developed  above  in  regard  to  sectoral  gender  segregation  is           importantly completed by data on occupational and vertical segregation, which           we will concentrate on in the following.              On a very general level, occupational classification data (ISCO-88 one digit           code) from the labour force survey (ČSÚ 2010d) shows that on national average           6 out of the 10 categories are segregated by a male/female percentage of over 60%           – four are male dominated and two are female dominated.              Table  2.7  shows  the  male  dominated  occupations  on  national  average  for           the year 2009. Here, the armed forces and Craft and related trades workers are","the struCturaL Context of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno  4                highly segregated. The occupational categories Plant and machine operators and              assemblers, as well as Legislators, senior officials and managers, fall among the              moderately segregated occupational categories (ČSÚ 2010d).                table 2.7 Male Dominated Occupations National Average 2009                 Occupations                                   % men      % of total male                (CZ-ISCO-88)                                             employment                0 Armed forces                                 94.2         10.                 Craft and related trades workers             89.9         2.                8 Plant and machine operators and assemblers   .         1.6                1 Legislators, senior officials and managers   1.0         1.4              Source: VŠPS – ČSÚ 2010d                   This global picture is outlined in more detail in Table 2.8, which works with              the double digit ISCO-88 code.               table 2.8 Male Dominated Occupations (Double-digit ISCO-88 Code) National Average              2008                 Occupations                                   % men      % of total male                (CZ-ISCO-88)                                             employment                1 Extraction and building trades workers      9.         14.2                8 Drivers and mobile-plant operators          90.8         19.                2 Metal, machinery and related trades workers  84.        1.2                21 Physical, mathematical and engineering science professionals  8.  14.6                81 Stationary-plant and related operators      .9         16.2                1 Physical and engineering science associate professionals  .1  10.9                12 Corporate managers                          6.4         1.0              Source: Křížková 2009b, using data from the earnings survey                  The outlined pattern of male dominated occupations constitutes a mixture of              manual technical work (71, 72), the operation of mobile or stationary machinery              (81, 83), the performance of technical tasks related to physical and engineering              sciences (31), science professionals in physics, mathematics, and engineering and,              finally,  corporate  managers  (12).  These  seven  occupational  categories  include              the  three  most  important  occupations  for  men  as  far  as  their  share  of  total              employment is concerned (72, 31, 83) and together cover 58% of employed men.              That is, more than half of all employed men centre in approx. one quarter of              available occupations (calculated from the 26 double-digit ISCO-88 categories).              Hence it is no surprise that the identified occupations are, by and large, related              to  gender  stereotypical  fields  like  manual  work,  engineering,  machinery  and              technical equipment. The pattern is also interesting from the point of view of              the educational background needed for these occupations. The majority of the              outlined male dominated occupations requires either basic education (e.g. in the","Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             form of an apprenticeship) or university education. Hence, the male dominated           occupations  described  above  copy  the  segregational  pattern  in  educational           attainment  outlined  previously. Finally,  the category  of corporate  managers is           also male dominated, which is the most direct indicator that the above pattern           of male dominated occupations means that men are concentrated in leadership           positions. However, the sub-category 12, corporate managers, is not as strongly           male dominated as the overall category 1, Legislators, senior officials and managers           (Křížková 2009b). The two female dominated occupational categories (out of the           10 ISCO-88 one digit categories) are outlined in Table 2.9.             table 2.9 Female Dominated Occupations National Average 2009             Occupations                                   % women    % of total female            (CZ-ISCO-88)                                              employment            4 Clerks                                        .         12.6             Service workers and shop and market sales workers  6.0    18.1           Source: VŠPS – ČSÚ 2010d               Again, this global picture is outlined in more detail in Table 2.10 which provides           an overview of the dominated occupations based on the ISCO-88 double digit           categories.             table  2.10  Female  Dominated  Occupations  (Double-digit  ISCO-88  Code)  National           Average 2008             Occupations                                   % women    % of total female            (CZ-ISCO-88)                                              employment            2 Life science and health associate professionals  91.2     1.            42 Customer services clerks                     88.4         14.2            2 Models, salespersons and demonstrators       81.         14.1            2 Teaching professionals                       2.9         19.            41 Office clerks                                1.         1.0            91 Sales and services elementary occupations    0.1         1.             Teaching associate professionals             68.8         11.            24 Other professionals                          6.9         18.4            4 Other associate professionals                64.2         1.0           Source: Křížková 2009b               The  outlined  pattern  of  female  dominated  occupations  shows  a  clear           concentration  of  women  in  occupations  in  the  service  sector  –  teaching,           administrative  work,  care  work,  and  sales.  These  nine  occupational  categories           include the three most important occupations for women as far as their share in           total employment is concerned (34, 23, 24) and together cover 63% of employed           women. That is, almost two thirds of all employed women centre in approx. one           third  of  available  occupations  (calculated  from  the  26  double-digit  ISCO-88","the struCturaL Context of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno  49                categories). This is comparable to the male pattern. Again, it is no surprise that              the identified occupations are related to gender stereotypical fields like care work,              education, and administrative work. This pattern is also interesting in terms of              the educational background needed for these occupations, where most female              dominated  occupations  are  tied  to  secondary  education  with  school  leaving              examination. Here, again, the segregational pattern on the labour market clearly              mirrors the segregation in the educational system. Finally, the pattern of female              dominated occupations also points to a tendency for women to group in medium              and lower hierarchy positions (Křížková 2009b).                 Data on occupational gender segregation for the city of Brno is only available              on  the  most  basic  level  of  occupational  categorization  (ISCO-88  single  digit              categories) and comes from the annual survey conducted by the Brno labour              office  (Database  PZJMK  2010). As  outlined  in  Tables  2.11  and  2.12,  both  the              pattern of male/female dominated occupations and the intensity of segregation              in the various categories are very similar to the national average.               table 2.11 Male Dominated Occupations in the City of Brno 2010                 Occupations                                              % of total male                (CZ-ISCO-88)                                  % men      employment                0 Armed forces                                  —            —                 Craft and related trades workers             8.9         1.1                8 Plant and machine operators and assemblers   0.8         1.1                1 Legislators, senior officials an managers    66.9         18.              Source: Brno labour office – Database PZJMK 2010, authors’ calculations               table 2.12 Female Dominated Occupations in the City of Brno 2010                 Occupations                                  % women    % of total female                (CZ-ISCO-88)                                             employment                4 Clerks                                       2.         14.2                 Service workers and shop and market sales workers  61.2   14.              Source: Brno labour office – Database PZJMK 2010, authors’ calculations                  The  two  tables  again  show  differences  in  the  importance  of  the  various              categories in relation to male/female employment in total. These differences are              probably due to the bias of the survey towards medium-size and larger companies              and the underrepresentation of small companies (up to 20 employees).                 To complement the presented current data for the national and the local level,              in the following we will present a rough overview of the most important changes              in the pattern of horizontal and vertical gender segregation over the last two              decades. To do so, we will use the gender segregation indices cited earlier and              then turn to census data for the years 1991, 2001 and 2011, for the city of Brno.                 According to the recent European Commission report on gender segregation              in the labour market (Bettio, Verashchagina 2009), the relevant indices (IP and ID)","50                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             for the core group of 12 EU countries show few changes. However, as this report           further emphasizes, this persistent aggregated trend contains a whole range of           different developments on the level of individual member states. Based on data           for the years 1997–2007, the report identifies the Czech Republic as part of a           group of relatively fast de-segregating countries (together with Austria, Denmark,           Norway, Sweden and the UK) with changes in the IP index ranging from 2,8 to           1,5 (in the case of the Czech Republic). In the majority of the countries this trend           goes hand in hand with a decline of male/female dominated occupations and an           increase of mixed occupations.              What  is  interesting  in  the  case  of  the  Czech  Republic  is  the  fact  that  the           decrease of the IP index between 1997 and 2007 was not related to this trend.           Rather,  according  to  Křížková  (2009b),  the  percentage  of  mixed  occupations           decreased and the percentage of female dominated occupations increased. Hence,           instead of changes in the male/female ratio in various occupations, the change           in the index is related to changes in occupational structure. Křížková (2009b)           explains this as result of the economic transformation in the Czech Republic that           went on in the 1990s. While she refers to changes in labour market regulations           and the opening up of new areas/occupations in the labour market, she does not           specify these changes.              A closer look at the development of sectoral and occupational segregation on           the labour market in the city of Brno allows us to examine whether this general           pattern identified by Křížková (2009b) for the Czech Republic also applies to           the developments on the local level. For this purpose, the following Tables 2.12           and 2.14 present data from the census in 1991, 2001 and 2011. By comparing the           census data of the last 20 years, the outcomes of the transformation process on           the occupational structure in Brno become especially apparent.              The census data show a clear trend for the primary and secondary sector for           the last 20 years: Agriculture, forestry and fishing, Industry, and Construction           generally  declined  in  importance,  especially  for  women.  As  a  result,  the  first           two,  formerly  mixed,  sectors  turned  into  slightly  male  dominated  sectors.  In           the construction sector, existing male domination increased, reaching a ratio of           4 male workers to 1 female worker.              For the tertiary sector, however, the developments in Brno do not confirm the           trend described by Křížková (2009b). Though the census data confirm that the           changes in labour market segregation are related to changes in the importance           of different sectors, there is no clear trend that women predominantly move into           already female dominated sectors. Rather, in comparison to 1991, the number of           female dominated sectors decreased: while in 1991 5 sectors showed some kind           of female segregation, in 2011 only 3 of them remained segregated. Moreover,           women’s  employment  in  typically  and  strongly  female  dominated  sectors  of           Education and Human health and social work activities has remained rather stable           over the last 20 years. Though the sector of financial and insurance activities,           which has also been traditionally female dominated, gained in importance for           women, it gained even stronger importance for the employment of men and, as           a result, shows a desegregating tendency. Moreover, the second most important           sector for women (after Human health and social work activities) is Wholesale","the struCturaL Context of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno  1                table 2.13 Sectoral Gender Segregation in the City of Brno in the Years 1991, 2001 and              2011                                                  1991          2001         2011                                                    share in                                                                              share in               Economic activity              % of   empl. in   % of   share in   % of   empl. in                                                                 empl. in                                             sector        sector       sector                                                    sector %    sector %     sector %               Agriculture, forestry and fishing               Women                          40.2   2.   9.9   0.9   .   0.6               Men                            9.8   .8   60.   1.2   62.   0.9               Industry               Women                          0.   28.  .0   1.2  1.1   11.6               Men                            49.   0.  6.0   24.  68.9   22.               Construction               Women                          0.2   16.  18.9   14.2  18.   1.0               Men                            69.8   16.4  81.1   1.6  81.   12.0               Wholesale and retail trade; repair of motor vehicles and motorcycles               Women                          6.   1.0  0.   1.0  0.   1.6               Men                            4.   1.4  49.   1.0  49.   11.               Accommodation and food service activities               Women                          69.6   1.   .4   .2   2.1   .9               Men                            0.4   0.6   44.6   .   4.9   .2               Transportation and communication               Women                          .   .   1.   4.6   2.1   16.8               Men                            62.   9.6   68.   8.8   2.9   16.8               Financial and insurance activities               Women                          .   1.1   6.1   .   61.6   4.               Men                            22.   0.   4.9   1.6   8.4   2.4               Real estate activities, company services               Women                          49.6   .2   46.6   9.6   4.4   1.               Men                            0.4   8.0   .4   9.6   4.6   1.1               Research and Development               Women                          4.4   .1   .8   0.8   46.8   8.               Men                            6.6   4.4   62.2   1.1   .2   8.6               Public administration and defence; compulsory social security               Women                          42.   4.   48.8   .1   6.6   .1               Men                            .   .0   1.2   6.   4.4   4.9               Education               Women                          64.   14.9  68.8   12.0  68.0   1.1               Men                            .   19.0  1.2   14.8  2.0   1.               Human health and social work activities               Women                          80.   12.2  9.   1.9  8.   14.4               Men                            19.   1.  20.   1.2  21.   1.               Other service activities               Women                                       .   8.1   8.0   11.6               Men                                         46.   6.2   42.0   1.4              Sources: Krajská statistická správa 1992; ČSÚ 2003; Census 2011","52                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             and retail, a mixed sector. Hence, rather than an intensification of the female           labour market segregation, the trend for Brno seems to be an increase in male           domination in the rather stereotypically male sectors of the primary and secondary           sectors. Here, the development points towards an exclusion of women, as the           ratio of male/female workers is already so high, that – as pointed out by Anker           (1998) – gender stereotyping potentially discourages women from entering these           sectors.              These trends, which to a certain extent go against the developments identified           by Křížková for the Czech Republic as a whole, are probably related to the specific           working opportunities in Brno. These opportunities stem from Brno’s position as           the second largest city of the Czech Republic and have developed based, among           other reasons, on the city’s strategy to attract foreign capital. Based on the very           broad census data this is however hard to examine in greater detail. Nevertheless,           the tendency toward a certain desegregation, or at least a lower level of segregation,           in the city of Brno (in comparison to national data) was also the result of the           preceding analysis of the more detailed survey data from the Brno labour office.           Thus, the census data and their development over the last 20 years confirm the           trends identified earlier.              At the same time, despite the fact that almost half of the sectors in Brno are           currently mixed, these sectors might still be segregated in an occupational and           vertical sense. That is, despite the fact that the ratio among women and men in           these sectors is more or less balanced, women and men might still be clustered           in different (hierarchical) positions. The following Table 2.14 on occupational           gender segregation provides more information on this point.              Again, the census data provides only a very broad picture (on the ISCO-88           one digit level). Furthermore, due to changes in the classification, comparable           data is only available for the years 2001 and 2011, mirroring the trend of the last           10 years. In this regard, the data show a rather clear picture: while men dominate           the categories Legislators, senior officials and managers, Craft and related trades           workers, Plant and machine operators and assemblers as well as the armed forces,           women prevail in the categories Clerks, Service workers and shop and market           sales  workers,  as  well  as  in  the  Elementary  occupations.  The  remaining  three           categories are gender balanced. This pattern can, to a certain extent, be related to           the segregation in educational attainment discussed before. Men dominate in those           occupations where either university education or secondary education without           GCSE (or professionally oriented secondary education with GCSE) is required.           Women in turn dominate those occupations which require secondary education           with GCSE (both generally and professionally oriented) as well as the elementary           occupations (that is, unskilled work). However, in terms of employment, the most           important occupational categories for both men and women are the two mixed           ones, Professionals and Technicians and associate professionals. The comparison           of the years 2001 and 2011 shows that this pattern is rather persistent. However, the           ISCO-88 classification is too broad to make a more detailed analysis. Nevertheless,           these data can be used to verify the data on occupational segregation from the           survey of the Brno labour office presented before. While the segregated categories           match,  the  actual  share  of  men  and  women  in  the  various  categories  differs.","the struCturaL Context of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno                table 2.14 Occupational Gender Segregation (CZ-ISCO-88) in the City of Brno in the              Years 1991, 2001 and 2010                Occupations                   1991           2001           2011                                                share in       share in      share in                                         % of           % of           % of               CZ-ISCO-88                       empl. in       empl. in      empl. in                                         sector         sector         sector                                               sector %       sector %       sector %               1  Legislators. Senior officials and managers                  Women                   —      —      29.0    1.1   1.    1.1                  Men                     —      —      1.0    10.8   68.    10.1               2  Professionals                  Women                   —      —      48.    1.6   1.    29.                  Men                     —      —      1.    16.   48.    2.                 Technicians and associate professionals                  Women                   —      —      8.8    .1   4.    26.4                  Men                     —      —      41.2    21.   4.    20.1               4  Clerks                  Women                   —      —      .6    10.0   0.8    10.                  Men                     —      —      26.4    1.1   29.    1.8                 Service workers and shop and market sales workers                  Women                   —      —      61.0    16.8   60.4    18.2                  Men                     —      —      9.0    19.4   9.6    10.8               6  Skilled agricultural and forestry workers                  Women                   —      —      4.    10.4   4.    10.4                  Men                     —      —      6.    10.   6.    10.4                 Craft and related trades workers                  Women                   —      —      16.    1.0   1.1    12.8                  Men                     —      —      8.    22.   86.9    16.               8  Plant and machine operators and assemblers                  Women                   —      —      1.    12.1   18.    12.8                  Men                     —      —      84.    10.0   81.    10.9               9  Elementary occupations                  Women                   —      —      62.4    .8    69.1    14.4                  Men                     —      —      .6    4.1    0.9    11.8               0  Armed forces                  Women                   —      —      1.    0.1    1.6    10.1                  Men                     —      —      96.    1.    84.4    10.4              Sources: Krajská statistická správa 1992; ČSÚ 2003; Census 2011               The data from the local survey suggested a lower segregation on the local level for              all the segregated occupational categories. This tendency is confirmed, with the              exception of Plant and machine operators and assemblers, for which the share of              men in the city of Brno is approx. 6 percentage points higher. At the same time,              the importance of this category for the overall employment of men is lower in the              city of Brno than on national average.","5                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?                What is furthermore possible to add on this rather general level is data on the           segregation with regards to company ownership. These data are again available           from the survey of the Brno labour office.             table 2.15 Percentage of Men/Women and Share in Total Employment of Men/Women           by Company Ownership, Brno 2010                                                           2010            Company ownership                                              % of sector     share in empl. in sector %            Private            Women                               8.                 8.8            Men                                 61.                 6.8            Cooperative            Women                               9.2                 10.9            Men                                 40.8                 10.            Private sector total            Women                               8.8                 9.6            Men                                 61.2                 .4            State            Women                               61.                 .            Men                                 8.                 20.4            Municipality            Women                               .                 19.            Men                                 44.                 1.1            Public sector total            Women                               60.2                 4.            Men                                 9.8                 2.4            Associations, churches, political parties            Women                               9.                 10.9            Men                                 20.                 10.2            Mixed            Women                               4.2                 11.0            Men                                 4.8                 10.8           Source: Brno labour office – Database PZJMK 2010, authors’ calculations               While  the  public  sector  has  a  male/female  ratio  of  39.8%/60.2%  slightly           dominated by women, the private sector is, with a ratio of 61.2%/38.8%, in turn           slightly dominated by men. All in all, the public sector in Brno provides for a           share of 45.3% in the total employment of women. This high number is related to           the fact that public ownership is first and foremost characteristic of the feminized           sectors education, health care and public administration, which are especially           important in Brno due to the city’s role as an important centre for education and           health institutions. Furthermore, Brno also hosts several important public service           and administrational facilities (e.g. the constitutional court, the supreme court,           etc.).","the struCturaL Context of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno                   The pattern of horizontal and vertical segregation of the labour market in the              Czech Republic and in Brno, which we have outlined in this chapter, is part of a              complex system, where causes and effects are difficult to differentiate as they tend              to mutually reproduce each other (Křížková 2009a, Čermáková et al. 2000). That              is, the gender segregation of the educational system presented previously precedes              the labour market segregation and at the same time – via the anticipations of              possible future employment opportunities – is a reaction to the existence of a              segregated labour market (Čermáková et al. 2000; Valentová, Šmídová, Katrňák              2010). Apart from the segregation as such (that is, the clustering of men and              women in a limited number of sectors and occupations) this phenomenon also              influences the income level of men and women. One striking example of this is              the difference between men and women on the level of secondary education.              As described before, boys choose/are directed towards vocational training and              apprenticeships,  while  girls  choose/are  directed  towards  secondary  education              with GCSE. The basic crux of this pattern is that, on average, higher educational              attainment of women (secondary with GCSE) does not necessarily lead to better              paid jobs. Rather, these women concentrate in typically feminized occupations,              which,  as  will  be  analysed  in  detail  below,  are  characterized  by  a  rather  low              income level. Meanwhile the lower educational attainment of boys (secondary              without GCSE) has traditionally enabled them to work in quite well paid jobs.              According to Šmídová, Janoušková and Katrňák (2010), currently, a key question              is, if these forms of vocational training preferred by boys will enable them to              continue to attain these jobs. At the same time, the census data of Brno show that              the importance of secondary education without GCSE has been decreasing over              the last 10 years and university education (as well as secondary with GCSE) has              gained importance for boys. Together with the important increase of women with              tertiary education, this has led to an approximation of the relative importance              of the various categories of educational attainment (most importantly, tertiary,              secondary with and without GCSE) for men and women and hence a decrease              in  the  intensity  of  segregation  of  the  respective  categories  of  educational              attainment.                 Yet the question remains, how will these changes influence the segregation of              the labour market as well as the pay gap between men and women. In the final              section of this first chapter we will now present more detailed data on the current              gender pay gap in the Czech Republic.                2.3   the Gender pay Gap                As far as salaries for the various sectors and occupations are concerned, only              national data are available. According to data for 2009, presented in Table 2.16,              the most important female dominated sectors (for Brno as well) such as health              and social care and education, were characterized by rather low wages. However,              compared to other sectors, both these sectors have a lower gender wage gap – 24.9              in education and 29.9 for Human health and social work activities. This is related","5                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             to the fact that these sectors are part of the public sector, which traditionally           shows a lower pay gap. The higher gap in human health and social work activities           can be explained by vertical segregation: women work mostly as middle health           staff and men prevail among doctors, who, on monthly average, also worked more           hours (ČSÚ 2010b).             table 2.16 Salaries in Typically Feminized Sectors and in those Sectors which Show the                                                             4           Highest Gender Pay Gaps in the Czech Republic in 2009 (in CZK )                              Average gross monthly earnings  Median earnings            Economic activity                   GPG                         GPG                            total  women  men          total  women  men                                                (in %)                     (in %)            Total Czech Republic  26 6  22 414  29 9  2.2  22 229  19 9  24 18  18.1            Financial and   48 141   6 06   0 42   49.0    94   29    4 00   .6            insurance activities            Information and            communication  44 86   2 241   0 84   6.6   4 89   2 82   9 06   29.9            Wholesale and retail            trade; repair of motor   (26 111)  20 842   1 911   4.   19 816   16    2 88   1.            vehicles and            motorcycles            Manufacturing  24 6   19 099   2 696   1.0   20 81   16 821   2 10   2.2            Education      2 090   2 14   0 80   24.9   2 92   22 810   26 89   1.1            Human health and            social work activities  2 24   2 29    20   29.9   21 9   21 4   24 640   12.6           Source: ČSÚ 2010a               Traditionally, the gender pay gap in the private sector is higher than in the           public sector, as the wage scales of the public sector provide a certain protection           against pay discrimination. The wages in the private sector are more influenced by           negotiation between employee and employer and other factors (like uninterrupted           careers  and  unequal  opportunities  for  women  to  get  the  same  job  as  men)           also play a role (Vlach et al. 2008). This is very well illustrated by the sector of           financial and insurance activities (banks, insurance services, etc.), which in Brno           is slightly female dominated. It has a pay gap of 49% (related to male earnings).           This considerable difference is found not only in the occupational structure of           the financial sector. Among the three main occupational (managerial) classes,           women had more working hours than men but, on national average, their salaries           were  lower.  The  situation  is  similar  when  examining  the  level  of  education.           Women with university degrees worked on monthly average 173.7 hours, men           only 173.1 hours, but the gender gap amounted to 33.3% at this level of education           (ČSÚ 2010b). The gender pay gap was also above average at the level of secondary           education without GCSE and amounted to 28% (ČSÚ 2010b).             4   The average exchange rate in 2009 was 26.452 CZK per 1 EUR. In order to keep the presented           tables clear and easy to read, we decided to include the equivalent amounts in Euro only in the           written text.","the struCturaL Context of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno                   As far as occupations are concerned, Table 2.17 provides an overview of the              income level in two female dominated occupations (both, nationally and locally),              that is Clerks as well as Service, shop and market sales workers: while clerks earn              79% of the national average wage, service, shop and market sales workers earn only              61%. At the same time, the gender pay gap in both occupations is (compared to              the other occupations) rather low: 15.3% (average wage) and 12.3% (median) for              clerks and 22.4% (average wage) and 19.8% (median) for Service, shop and market              sales workers (ČSÚ 2010a). Again, the differences between these two occupations              can be explained by the central role of the public sector as an employer for clerks.              The highest gender pay gaps are found in the occupational groups which are              male dominated, that is Legislators, senior officials and managers as well as in the              category of Craft and related trades workers.                table 2.17 Salaries in the Most Frequently Female Occupations and in Occupations with              the Highest Gender Pay Gaps in the Czech Republic in 2009 (in CZK) 5                                    Average gross monthly earnings  Median earnings               Occupation                            GPG                       GPG                                  total  women  men         total  women  men                                                     (in %)                    (in %)               Total Czech Republic  26 6   22 414   29 9   2.2   22 229   19 9   24 18   18.1               Legislators, senior officials   6 22   9 46   64 8   8.9   8 08   0    4    29.4               and managers               Craft and related trades   21 28   1 12   22 1   1.1   20 286   14 610   21 00   2.0               workers               Professionals     6 4   0 19   42 91   28.9   29 0   26 96    4   2.9               Service workers and shop   16 18   14 822   19 094   22.4   14 9   1 88   1 11   19.8               and  market sales workers               Clerks            21 084   20 064   2 02   1.   19 42   18 869   21 04   12.              Source: ČSÚ 2010a                 The presented data is again limited by its broadness, providing only information              on the ISCO-88 one digit level. This broad picture is importantly completed by the              work of Alena Křížková (2009a) on the gender segregation of the Czech labour              market. Combining data from different data sets, she shows how the feminization of              certain occupations interlocks with the prestige of these occupations and income              inequalities. In this regard, Table 2.18 combines information on the income level              in certain occupations, the share of women in these occupations with the public              perception of these occupations (out of 26 occupational categories). The chosen              occupations are either part of the 10 most frequent occupations of women or are              highly dominated by women (Křížková 2009a).                    5   The average exchange rate in 2009 was 26.452 CZK per 1 EUR. In order to keep the presented              tables clear and easy to read, we decided to include the equivalent amounts in Euro only in the              written text.","5                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?                                                          6           table  2.18  Prestige  and  Average  Income  (in  CZK )  for  Selected  Occupations           (2008/2009)                                                 Share of   Average   Women’s income            Occupation          ISCO-88  Prestige                                                women %  monthly income  in % of men’s            Nurse                21-   14.    9.8      24 09        92.            Primary education teacher  21  1.  8.2     2 1        98.9            Civil engineer       2142-   1.    12.      41 84        4.1            Bookkeeper           4     14.    90.4      26 24        2.            Police officer       162     16.    11.6      26 88        90.2            Shop salesperson     220     22.    81.4      1 4        1.            Secretaries          411     2.    88.1      2 260        8.6            Helpers and cleaners  912    26.    9.2      11 40        4.           Source: Křížková 2009a: 36               As Křížková (2009a) outlines, in relation to nurses and primary education           teachers, the above table shows that high prestige is not only related to a higher           financial  remuneration.  At  the  same  time,  these  two  occupations  are  highly           feminized and related to the stereotype of �natural’ female occupations where           women  draw  on  their  �natural’  caring  abilities.  Nevertheless,  though  highly           feminized,  these  two  occupations  show  a  rather  low  gender  pay  gap,  with  a           difference to the male level of under 10 percentage points, while on average this           gap is around 26 percentage points. This is related to the fact that both occupations           are part of the public sector. A comparison of these two occupations with two           other,  highly  feminized  occupations  (Helpers  and  cleaners  with  93.2 percent           women  and  Bookkeepers  with  90.4  percent  women)  show,  that  the  fact  that           nurses and primary education teachers are employed in the public sector has           a stronger impact on the gender pay gap than prestige. While bookkeepers are           found in the middle field of the prestige ranking, helpers and cleaners are found           rather at the bottom. Both occupations are strongly feminized (over 90%) and           have a quite comparable gender pay gap, which is still considerably higher than           for nurses and primary education teachers.              Civil  engineering  is  a  typical  example  of  a  strongly  male  dominated           occupation in the private sector: high prestige and income and at the same time           a comparatively  large gender wage  gap. On  the other hand, shop salespeople,           secretaries as well as helpers and cleaners provide typical examples of strongly           female dominated occupations, with very low prestige and a low average income.           At the same time, both these occupations also show a high gender wage gap.           According to Křížková (2009a), referring to the team of authors Tomášek and           Dudová (2008) these occupations could be seen as part of the �secondary labour           market’.              The importance of the service sector in Brno, with its high share of health and           educational institutions as well as public administration, and the role of Brno             6   The average exchange rate in 2009 was 26.452 CZK per 1 EUR. In order to keep the presented           tables clear and easy to read, we decided to include the equivalent amounts in Euro only in the           written text.","the struCturaL Context of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno  9                as an important economic centre, makes the presented occupations especially              relevant for the local level.                 Further  data  available  for  the  Czech  Republic  relates  to  the  percentiles  of              earnings. Table 2.19 presented below provides such data on the earnings of women              and men and in relation to the gender pay gap (ČSÚ 2010c). Women’s wages are              lower in all percentiles; the highest gender pay gap is among the highest wages              (mostly managerial positions). As far as these pay gaps are concerned, there are              some differences between the public and the private sector. For example female              managers are more protected against pay discrimination in public organizations              where  wage  scales  exist. Wages  in  the  private  sector  are  more  influenced  by              negotiations between employee and employer. Factors such as an employee’s career              path also play an important role (in the sense of a career without a maternity              break). Another related issue is the difficulty for women to get the same job as              men in Czech Republic (Vlach et al. 2008).                                                                          7              table  2.19  Percentiles  and  Gender  Gaps  of  Monthly  Earnings  (in  CZK )  in  the  Czech              Republic in 2009                           P      P10     P2      P0     P      P90      P9               Percentiles  th                                               9th                         percentile   1st decile  1st quartile  median  rd quartile  9th decile  percentile               Total      10 92  12 92   16 9  22 229  29 8   40 81   2 81               Men        12 12  14 40   18 02  24 18  2 288   4 820   60 96               Women      10 220  11 82   14 69  19 9  26 124   4 228   42 19               GPG (in %)  1.0    21.4    21.4    18.1    19.1      2.     0.8              Source: ČSÚ 2010c                  Differences in women’s income level by age group are also documented (at              least on the national level – ČSÚ 2010e) and show the average monthly wage of              women and men in different age groups over the last eight years. While the overall              gender pay gap has remained rather stable, the data clearly document differences              by age groups. The highest gender gaps between the earnings of men and women              are found in the age group 35–49, that is when women are most likely to care              for children and men are often the single breadwinner in the family (Kozelský,              Prušvic 2007). Furthermore the data reflect the increasing age of women at child              birth. The gender pay gap in the age group of 30–34 years has been decreasing              from 30.1% in 2002 to 23.3% in 2009 (ČSÚ 2010e).                 Gender  differences  are  also  evident  in  the  amount  of  pensions.  This  is              related to the gender pay gap described before, as pensions are calculated based              on former salaries. On average in 2009, women in regular retirement received              9,774 CZK per month (369 EUR), and men 11,715 CZK (443 EUR). The average              early retirement pension was lower: 8,230 CZK women (311 EUR) and 9,912 CZK                  7   The average exchange rate in 2009 was 26.452 CZK per 1 EUR. In order to keep the presented              tables clear and easy to read, we decided to include the equivalent amounts in Euro only in the              written text.","0                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             men  (375  EUR).  Full  disability  pension  amounted  on  average  to  8,985  CZK           women (340 EUR) and 9,957 CZK men (376 EUR) the partial disability pension           was lower: 5,675 CZK women (215 EUR) and 6,156 CZK men (233 EUR). The           gender gaps in pensions correspond with data on the gender pay gaps. For old-           age pensions the gap is 17%; for disability pensions 8–10% (Czech Social Security           Administration, ordered data).              Hence, the income disadvantages which women suffer during their time on           the labour market also continue after women retire from the labour market. The           reasons  for  this  are  well  known:  pay  differentials,  labour  market  segregation,           careers  interrupted  by  childcare  or  care  for  older  relatives,  a  lower  age  of           retirement that leads to lower pensions because of the shorter time of paying           contributions to the pension insurance. Women who raised children are even           more disadvantaged in comparison to childless women as far as the pension level           is concerned (Skopalová 2005).                                                                          8           table 2.20 Amount of Pensions and Gender Pay Gaps in Brno in 2009 (in CZK )                                             Women            Men                                                                          Gender                                                average          average                                        average   amount of   average   amount of   gap                                         age              age             (in %)                                                pension          pension            Regular retirement            68     9 4    0     11 1    16.6            Early retirement              62     8 20    6     19 912    1.0            Retirement because of disability – full  6  8 98    19 9  19.8            Retirement because of disability – partial  48   6  0  16 16  1.8           Source: ČSSZ 2009; Czech Social Security Administration (ordered data)               The average national regular old-age pension for women in 2009 amounted to           9,133 CZK (345 EUR), for men it was 11,175 CZK (422 EUR). That is, the gender           gap on national average was higher than on urban average and amounted to           18.3% (CSSZ 2009).              2.4   Conclusions            In  this  chapter  our  aim  was  to  present  key  data  on  the  structural  context  of           women’s labour market participation in Brno. In this regard we focused on the           structure of educational attainment of women and men living and working in           Brno. According to the presented data, we found that the Brno labour market offers           above average working opportunities for women with secondary education with           GCSE and for men with tertiary education. Women with secondary education           without GCSE by contrast have below average working opportunities in the city of             8   The average exchange rate in 2009 was 26.452 CZK per 1 EUR. In order to keep the presented           tables clear and easy to read, we decided to include the equivalent amounts in Euro only in the           written text.","the struCturaL Context of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno  61                Brno. However, overall, the Brno labour force shows similarly gendered patterns              of educational attainment as can be observed in Brno and the Czech Republic              in general: while women dominate in the categories pre-primary and primary,              secondary with GCSE and post-secondary, men slightly prevail in the categories              secondary without GCSE and tertiary education. Though these patterns appear              to be rather stable throughout the last 20 years, the relevance of the particular              categories has changed substantially over this time period, for both women and              men. This development is closely related to the transformation process after the              end of the communist regime. However, despite the fact that tertiary education              gained  importance  especially  for  women,  their  higher  educational  attainment              has not automatically translated into a higher income. As the presented data on              horizontal and vertical/occupational labour market segregation in Brno and the              Czech Republic has shown, the gendered patterns of educational attainment are              closely related to female/male dominated sectors and occupations whereupon              these female dominated sectors tend to show higher gender pay gaps. That is,              the  gender  segregation  of  the educational  system precedes the labour market              segregation  and  at  the  same  time  –  via  the  anticipations  of  possible  future              employment opportunities – is a reaction to the existence of a segregated labour              market. This phenomenon also importantly influences the income level of men and              women. Despite the fact that the census data related to horizontal labour market              segregation suggest certain de-segregating tendencies for Brno, the traditionally              strongest female/male dominated sectors remain stable. Moreover, balanced and              mixed sectors still show a rather strong vertical/occupational segregation, which              also plays a key role in the persistence of the gender pay gap (which has been              traditionally high in the Czech Republic).                 The first part of this book – that is chapters one and two – presented key              patterns of women’s current labour market participation in the city of Brno. Based              on available statistics and analysis, we aimed at examining the extent to which              women work as well as map the context and basic conditions of their labour              market participation. Though women’s labour market participation – first and              foremost on a full-time basis – is taken for granted, the data strongly suggests that              it is not on equal terms; rather, it seems to pay off less than men’s. On the one hand,              as outlined mainly in Chapter two, this is related to a segregated labour market,              where an important portion of women cluster in feminized sectors, which either              show high gender pay gaps or generally offer lower levels of income. This pattern              is closely related to the gender segregation of the Czech educational system, which              leads boys and girls on different paths of education. Though the gendered pattern              of educational attainment has been weakening in the last 20 years (especially              when it comes to the importance of the different educational levels for women              and men), it is still very clear with regards to educational content. On the other              hand, as discussed in detail in Chapter one, in Brno and the Czech Republic              care responsibilities and the task of reconciling them with paid employment have              been an issue to be solved predominantly by women. The statistics analysed in              Chapter one strongly suggest that this is a key point complicating women’s labour              market participation (e.g. in Brno the risk for unemployment doubles for women              with preschool children aged 3–5). This latter point of women’s reconciling care","2                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             responsibilities with gainful employment is the main focus of the second part           of this publication. Chapters three and four will now analyse how family and           childcare policies, as well as elderly care policies, relate to women’s labour market           participation. That is, we will examine to what extent the problem observed in the           data presented in Chapter one, is related to and (re)produced by these policies on           the national and local city level and to what extent these policies support and/or           hinder women’s labour market participation.              ReFeRenCeS            Anker, R., 1998. Gender and jobs: sex segregation of occupations in the world. Geneva:              International Labour Organization.           Bettio, F. \& Verashchagina, A., 2009. Gender segregation in the labour market. Root causes,              implications and policy responses in the EU. Luxembourg: Publications Office of the              European Union.           Brno Business Facts, 2010. Published by the Statutory City of Brno, City Strategy Office.           Čermáková, M. et al., 2000. Relations and changes of gender differences in the Czech society in              the 1990s. Praha: Sociologický ústav Akademie věd České republiky.           ČSSZ, 2009. Statistická ročenka sociálního zabezpečení. (Statistical yearbook of social security              2009). [on-line], available: http://www.cssz.cz/NR/rdonlyres/F61217B1-3E97-40AB-A170-              2C4637C0D1CA/0/SR2009.pdf. Downloaded: 2011-05-16.           ČSÚ, 2003. Sčítání lidu, domů a bytů k 1. 3. 2001 – obyvatelstvo, byty, domy a domácnosti Okres              Brno-město. (Results of the Census 2001 for the city of Brno). Praha: Český statistický              úřad.           ČSÚ, 2010a. Trh práce v ČR v letech 1993–2009. 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Výdělky žen a mužů v podnikatelské a nepodnikatelské              sféře. (Earnings of women and men in the private and public sectors). Praha: VÚPSV.","the struCturaL Context of WoMen’s Labour Market PartICIPatIon In brno  6                Křížková, A., 2009a. Příčiny a důsledky segregace – úvod do genderové perspektivy v                 sociologii. (Causes and effects of segregation – an introduction to the gender perspective                 in sociology). In A. Křížková \& Z. Sloboda, eds. Genderová segregace českého trhu                 práce: kvantitativní a kvalitativní obraz (Gender segregation of the Czech labour market: a                 quantitative and a qualitative picture). Praha: Sociologický ústav AV ČR, pp. 31–39.              Křížková, A., 2009b. Genderová segregace trhu práce – obraz statistiky. (Gender segregation                 of the labour market – the picture of statistics). In A. Křížková \& Z. Sloboda, eds.                 Genderová segregace českého trhu práce: kvantitativní a kvalitativní obraz. (Gender                 segregation of the Czech labour market: a quantitative and a qualitative picture).                 Praha: Sociologický ústav AV ČR, pp. 13–30.              Reskin, B. F. \& Roos, P. A., 1990. Job Queues, Gender Queues: Explaining Women’s Inroads into                 Male Occupations. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.              Skopalová, J., 2005. Senioři na prahu třetího tisíciletí. (Seniors on the threshold of the third                 millennium). In D. Sýkorová, D. Šimek \& M. Dvořáková, eds. Třetí věk trojí optikou.                 (Third age in three perspectives). Acta Universitatis Palackianae Olomucensis. Facultas                 Philosophica. Sociologica – Andragogica. Olomouc: Univerzita Palackého v Olomouci, pp.                 63–70.              Šmídová, I., Janoušková, K. \& Katrňák, T., 2010. Faktory podmiňující vzdělanostní aspirace a                 vzdělanostní segregaci dívek a chlapců v českém vzdělávacím systému. (Factors behind                 the Educational Aspirations and Educational Segregation of Girls and Boys in the Czech                 Education System). In L. Jarkovská, K. Lišková. \& I. Šmídová, eds. S genderem na trh:                 rozhodování o dalším vzdělání patnáctiletých. (With gender to the market: Educational                 strategies and decisions of 15 year old students). Brno: SLON and Masarykova univerzita,                 pp. 36–62.              Tomášek, M. \& Dudová, R., 2008. Sekundarizace pracovního trhu v ČR: příklad práce                 pokladních v prodejnách zahraničních obchodních řetězců. (Secondarization of labour                 market in the Czech Republic: the example of retail work in international supermarkets.).                 Gender, rovné příležitosti, výzkum, 9(2), pp. 67–77.              Valentová, M., Šmídová, I. \& Katrňák, T., 2010. Genderová segregace na trhu práce v kontextu                 segregace ve vzdělání v mezinárodním srovnání. (Occupational Gender Segregation in                 the Context of Educational Segregation: A comparative perspective). In L. Jarkovská,                 K. Lišková. \& I. Šmídová, eds. S genderem na trh: rozhodování o dalším vzdělání                 patnáctiletých. (With gender to the market: Educational strategies and decissions of                 15 year old students). Brno: SLON and Masarykova univerzita, pp. 63–79              Vlach, J., Šnajdrová, Z., Kozelský, T. \& Musil, J., 2008. Gender v managementu. (Gender in                 Management). Praha: VÚPSV.Praha: VÚPSV.              Walby, S., 1988. Patriarchy at Work: Patriarchal and Capitalist Relations in Employment.                 Oxford: Polity Press.                 other sources               Interview with labour market experts from the Brno labour office","","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – ChILdCare for Pre-sChooL ChILdren        6                  ChapteR 3              the Local Welfare System – Childcare for pre-school Children                  In this chapter, we take a look at the development of parental leave and childcare              policies  in  Czechoslovakia  under  communist  rule,  present  the  changes  after              1989 in these areas as well as the current situation, with a special focus on Brno.              Additionally  to  the  policy  context,  the  chapter  presents  information  on  the              coverage of childcare services in Brno and discusses their quality, affordability,              accessibility and financing. For this purpose, we draw on available statistics and              literature, on key policy documents as well as on our interviews with Brno city              administration representatives, relevant to the topic. Hence, this chapter aims to              provide an overview of the current situation of childcare policies and services              in Brno, together with their evaluation from the point of view of their potential              support for women’s participation on the labour market as well as to introduce              the context for the decision making of women with pre-school children living in              Brno, which will be analysed in Chapter 5.                 3.1   historical Background – the Development of parental Leave and                    Childcare policies in Czechoslovakia under Communist Rule               As  previously  indicated  in  Chapter  one,  in  relation  to  the  presented  data  on              women’s labour market participation, communist era policies have importantly              influenced the childcare norms and ideas prevailing in the Czech Republic today.              Under communist rule, women were expected to work full-time both before and              after having children, which created a system that contrasted sharply with the              male-breadwinner/female housewife model, or the male breadwinner/part-time              female worker model that dominated many European countries (Pfau-Effinger              2004). It even contrasted the dual-earner/dual-carer model that has become an              ideal in Nordic countries, as women in most communist-ruled countries were              supposed to do all the caring and fathers were not even allowed to go on parental              leave.  Furthermore,  in  contrast  to  the  dual-earner/dual-carer  model,  policies              encouraged mothers to stay at home for relatively long periods. The Czechoslovak              communist  regime  introduced  three-years  of  paid  leave  for  mothers  (e.g.              Saxonberg, Hašková, Mudrák 2012).                 This process was gradual, however, as the communist regime in the 1950s              originally emphasized the expansion of childcare facilities rather than extensive              parental  leave. At  that  time,  responsibility  for  nurseries  was  moved  from  the              Ministry  of  Social  Caring  to  the  Ministry  of  Health,  which  turned  the  care              provided in these institutions into a healthcare issue. This was also in line with              why the communist regime provided nurseries. They were first and foremost a","Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             tool to enable mothers to work in order to increase production. Hence, nurseries           were not established based on pedagogical-psychological goals, rather they were           supposed to work efficiently to free women from their child-care duties and allow           them to work. As a result, children were grouped together in rather large groups           (compared to smaller child per child-minder ratios needed to meet pedagogical-           psychological goals), which was seen as more effective. In line with this logic,           the child-minders were nurses who had to follow strict hygiene norms in order           to keep children healthy and allow mothers to work. Despite this precaution,           sickness spread more quickly in the large groups and communist-era nurseries           had poor reputations on the issue of illness. Consequently, as mothers often had           to stay at home with their sick children, the nurseries were not seen as an efficient           tool to free them for labour market participation (Saxonberg, Hašková, Mudrák           2012).              In addition, by the early 1960s psychologists began criticizing the nurseries for           children under three for creating “deprivation,” as, they argued, children became           separated from their mothers too early to become “attached” to them. Moreover,           some paediatricians began publicly complaining about the high rates of illness           at these overcrowded facilities. Meanwhile, demographers worried over falling           fertility  rates  and  some  economists  argued  that  it  was  becoming  increasingly           difficult for the economy to keep all women employed full-time. Consequently, all           of these professional groups had their reasons for promoting the idea of adding           an extended maternity leave that mothers could receive after completing their           original maternity leave (which then was only 3 months but later increased to           6 months). In contrast to the maternity leave, which was based on the income-           replacement principle, the extended leave would pay a flat-rate in order to keep           costs down. The idea was that the extended leave would enable mothers to stay           at home until their children would begin attending kindergartens at the age of           three. During that decade the regime setup a population commission, which also           recommended  introducing  extended  maternity  leave  and  the  regime  agreed.           Consequently, it began progressively increasing the period of extended leave until           it paid up to three years of benefits (Saxonberg, Hašková, Mudrák 2012). Survey           data indicates that by the late 1970s it had become a norm in Czechoslovakia for           mothers to stay at home for three years with their children (Bulíř 1990; Kreipl et al.           1979). According to Hana Havelková (1993), women had an additional incentive           to stay at home with their children instead of using nurseries, because the home           provided women with an opportunity to withdraw from the public sphere, which           was associated with state control and political blackmail.              These developments in leave policies had an important impact on the use           of nurseries. Hence, though  the percentage of children  under  three attending           nurseries in Czech society increased significantly from 1% at the end of the 1940s           to just under one fifth at the end of the 1980s, it never became a mass solution for           the care of children aged 0–2 (Saxonberg, Hašková, Mudrák 2012; Bulíř 1990).              Kindergarten,  as  a  childcare  institution  for  children  aged  3–5,  in  contrast,           developed under the communist regime into such a mass solution. The Act on           Unified  Education  No.  95/1948  Sb.  came  immediately  into  force  in  1948  and           made kindergartens an integral part of the educational system, administered by","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – ChILdCare for Pre-sChooL ChILdren        6                the Ministry of Education. Kindergartens had existed in the Czech lands before,              however. Unlike at the end of the 1940s, when most children attended kindergartens              for half a day, beginning in the 1950s, an absolute majority of children attended              kindergarten for the entire day, in accordance with their mothers working hours.              The percentage of three- to five-year-olds in kindergartens increased from one              fifth before the Second World War to more than 90% at the end of the 1980s              (Saxonberg, Hašková, Mudrák 2012).                                            1                 Hence, a national ideal of care  (cf. Kremer 2005, 2006) gradually developed              under  communist  rule  in  Czechoslovakia  which supported personal full-time              care by the mother until the children reached the age of 3. This ideal was backed              up especially by a paediatric and psychological discourse, which emphasized the              child’s need for a strong bond with the mother as a vital prerequisite of the child’s              healthy development in the first 3 years. After that period of childcare, women              were again expected to return to their full-time job. In line with this, the ideal              of care for children aged 3–5, was institutional care in kindergarten (Saxonberg,              Hašková, Mudrák 2012).                 3.2   the Czech Republic and Brno after 1989                parental leave policies               In  today’s  Czech  Republic,  since  the  collapse  of  the  communist  regime,  the              norm that mothers should stay at home for at least three years has been even              strengthened,  both  on  the  policy  level  and  in  political/public  discourse  (cf.              e.g. Hašková, Maříková, Uhde 2009). In the course of the 1990s, parental leaveHašková, Maříková, Uhde 2009). In the course of the 1990s, parental leave. In the course of the 1990s, parental leave              possibilities were extended by enabling a leave until the child reaches the age of 4.              Initially, the right to receive the parental leave benefit was explicitly related to the              prerequisite of personal care for the child, by restricting the use of institutional              childcare for children under three to only a few hours a week. Since then, the              system  of  parental  leave  has  been  reformed  several  times;  however  the  basic              guiding principle of preferring individual personal care (mostly by the mother)              until  the  child  reaches  the  age  of  3  has  remained  (e.g.  Saxonberg.  Hašková,              Mudrák 2012; Hašková, Maříková, Uhde 2009). Only recent changes point to aHašková, Maříková, Uhde 2009). Only recent changes point to a). Only recent changes point to a              certain weakening of this norm.                 1   An ideal of care defines who should care, where and in what way. That is, ideals of care rationalizeAn ideal of care defines who should care, where and in what way. That is, ideals of care rationalize              and legitimize specific caring arrangements by comparing and contrasting them to personal care              by the mother, which forms the basic point of reference. Monique Kremer (2005, 2006) identifies              four ideals of care, which form alternatives to the full-time care by the mother: “parental sharing,”              “intergenerational care” (ideals of informal care), “surrogate mother” and “professional care” (ideals              of formal care). Different countries promote different national ideals of care. Hence, Kremer focuses              on what care arrangements are seen as appropriate and acceptable when mothers are at work. These              care arrangements are institutionalized and promoted in a given national context. However at the              same time, Kremer (2005: 14) argues: “Ideals of care are not rigid moral rules: they can be negotiated,              are diffuse and imply some form of negotiation and change.”","Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?                After 28 weeks of maternity leave, which is based on the income replacement           principle (providing the mother with approximately the same or only a slightly           lower level of income), there are several possibilities for parental leave (open           to both parents, however in practice predominantly taken by the mother). As           already  mentioned,  parents  can  receive  a  parental  leave  allowance  until  the           child reaches the age of four. Until 2007 parents received a flat-rate (which in           2006 was 7,600 CZK ). Then a reform allowed parents to choose three different                             2           types of parental leave. The fast track paid 11,400 CZK/month for those staying           at home until the child is two years old, the basic rate paid 7,600 CZK/month           for those staying at home until the child is three years old, while the slow track           paid 3,800 CZK/month for those staying at home until the child is four (MPSV           2012). Hence, from an economic point of view, the 3 year option was the most           advantageous.  However,  in  2012  a  new  reform  was  enacted,  which  equalized           the different options for leave. Now parents are entitled to stay at home as long           as they like up to four years, but they receive a total of 220,000 CZK (approx.           EUR 8,800 ) for the entire period. By linking the monthly amount to the parent’s                    3           income, the extent of flexibility is limited. The monthly amount may not exceed           11,500 CZK (approx. EUR 460), hence the shortest possible period of time for           drawing the parental leave allowance is until the child reaches the age of 2. In           relation to that, the limitations for placing children in public caring facilities were           also changed. Now, before the child reaches the age of 2 years, its placement in a           childcare facility is limited to a maximum of 46 hours a month and, for children           over 2, institutional childcare is no longer limited. Nevertheless, for mothers who           were unemployed before their pregnancy and for low income families, the only           option available is the longest (until the child reaches the age of 4) (MPSV 2012).           In relation to this system of parental leave allowance, it is still important to note,           that parents only have the right to return to their previous job within a 3 years           period. Hence, the four year option potentially puts the parent at risk of losing the           option of returning to the former job.              The maternity benefit and parental leave allowance form a two-tier system           that provides compensation to mothers (parents) for their full time care of a           child  up  to  the  age of four (maximum).  The  most central difference between           these two benefits, which significantly influences the participation of women in           the labour market, is the fact that, while the maternity benefit is insurance based           (providing compensation calculated on the basis of the individual income), the           parental allowance is a flat rate payment. Put in relation to the average monthly                                                  th           gross wage (which was CZK 25,803 in the 4 quarter of 2010 ), the maximum                                                                 4           rate amounts to approx. 44%, while the lower rates amount to 30% and 15%.           Hence, even the maximum rate, which is only available for medium and higher           income groups, means substantial financial losses for these income groups. In a           context where income differences between men and women are quite common           (the average gender pay gap is around 25%) and hence fathers usually have higher            2   The average exchange rate in 2006 was 28.343 CZK per 1 EUR.            3   The average exchange rate changes every year, in 2013 for example, it amounted 25.974 CZK per           1 EUR.            4   The average exchange rate in 2010 was 25.29 CZK per 1 EUR.","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – ChILdCare for Pre-sChooL ChILdren        69                incomes than mothers, these flat-rate payments are potentially too low to give              men financial incentives and it is mostly women who leave the labour market              in order to care for their children (cf. for example Sirovátka, Saxonberg 2006a,              2006b; Saxonberg 2011, 2014). This is also confirmed by statistics on the use of              the parental leave. According to data provided by the MPSV, in 2010 only 1.6% of              parental allowance beneficiaries in the Czech Republic were men; the figure for              Brno amounted to 1.5%.                 Nevertheless, compared to the former regulation of the parental leave allowance,              these new regulations provide more flexibility to parents especially as regards the              drawing of the benefit and the placement of children in public childcare facilities              as well as with respect to the group of people who are entitled to choose the rate              of the parental allowance. Regarding the latter, however, these possibilities are              potentially limited by the very limited availability of public childcare facilities for              children under 3 in the Czech Republic. Hence, even if parents now theoretically              have the option of placing their two year old child in a public childcare facility              without losing their right to draw parental allowance, from a practical point of              view, the key question is, are places in such facilities available and/or affordable.              In the context of the reinforcement of a gender-conservative discourse in family              policy since 1989, the support or further development of these institutions has              not been a priority of the Czech government (cf. for example Hašková, Maříková,              Uhde  2009;  Sirovátka,  Saxonberg  2006a,  2006b;  Saxonberg  2011,  2014).  Only              recently, since facing a recent baby-boom has the government started initiatives              to support the creation and development of alternative (private, profit based)              childcare  facilities  in  order  to  fill  this  gap  (cf.  the  following  sections  on  the              development of childcare policies).               Childcare policies – public nurseries for the age group 0–2               Thus current policies related to institutional childcare clearly mirror the ideal of              personal care by the mother until the child reaches the age of three. The increase              in the parental leave period went hand in hand with a decline in public support              for nurseries providing childcare for children up to three years of age. After the              fall of the communist regime in 1989 the main responsibility for running the              nurseries moved from the Ministry of Health to local governments, although              the Ministry continued to be the official overseer and regulator of these facilities.              Consequently, nurseries are financed exclusively from the municipality’s budget.              In contrast to kindergartens, they do not receive any subsidies from the state              budget  and  no  legal  obligation  exists  which  would  compel  municipalities  to              establish nurseries. Hence, municipalities decide whether to establish nurseries              or not and what the fees are for children attending nurseries (Štěpánková, Jaklová              2006; Svobodová 2007; Interview No. 12). Contrary to many European countries,              including  post-socialist  countries  like  Hungary,  Czech  municipalities  have  no              possibility of raising their own income, for example, by introducing various types              of taxes; instead, their income comes from the national budget. This means that              if a municipality wanted to start a new nursery it would have to take money              away from some other activity (Saxonberg 2014). Due to the increase in fees and","70                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             a decrease in demand for these services, almost all the facilities were closed down           in the course of the 1990s.              The “National Conception for the Support of Families with Children” (MPSV           2009), which outlines the family policy strategy of the Czech government, shows           that the provision of public childcare services for children less than three years           is not a current government priority. Rather, with reference to paediatricians and           child psychologists, the document emphasises parental care up to the age of 3 as the           best and most preferable way to provide “high quality” care. Hence, the document           argues against governmental support for the provision of public care services for           children under three. Instead the government focuses only on removing legal           and other barriers which hinder the development of individual forms of private           (profit based) childcare services for children under 3. The provision of public           institutional childcare services is only supported for children over three years           (by increasing kindergarten capacities) (MPSV 2009). In the following, we will           exemplify the described developments based on the case of Brno.              When public nurseries were privatized in Brno after the fall of the communist           regime, the city of Brno took over a total of 18 nurseries. Based on the capacity           utilization at that time, the municipal government decided to keep only 5 of them           as a kind of social service especially for single mothers and low income families.           In 1997 and 1998 two further nurseries were closed because of a lack of demand           for  these  services  (Svobodová  2007).  The  local  policymakers  point  out  that           besides the high costs, the increase in the period of parental leave benefits and           falling birth rates, another reason for the drop in demand for public nurseries was           the negative public perception of the childcare services provided there (in the           sense of communist left-overs, and memories related to overcrowded nurseries,           where children very often fell sick). Our interviewees note, though, that today the           nurseries in Brno have improved considerably compared to the communist era.           First, they are not as overcrowded as they were for example in the 1980s and the           staff has pedagogical training. Second, they are much more open towards parents           and aim to actively integrate them (e.g. by organizing afternoons with the parents,           lectures and little celebrations, during which parents are able to get to know the           facility and the staff) (Interviews No. 9 and 12).              Currently, the Brno municipal government runs 3 nurseries, with a total capacity           of 110 children. Though this capacity does not even cover 1% of the children aged           0–3 in the city of Brno, in the Czech context the mere existence of such facilities           is positive (see Table 3.1 for a list of the development of nurseries).              The 3 public nurseries available in Brno offer care from 6:30 a.m. to 5 p.m.           (that is max. 10.5 hours a day and hence 52.5 hours a week) . There is also the                                                                5           possibility of placing children there for shorter periods. This form of part-time           care was rather widespread, as until December 2011 the central prerequisite for           the entitlement to the parental leave allowance was personal full-time care for the           child. In detail that meant that the time a child could spend in a public childcare           facility was limited to either 5 days a month (children up to the age of 3) or 4 hours           a day / max. 5 days a month (for children over 3). Hence, parents often placed             5   Calculations based on the timetable provided online for the Brno nurseries: http://www.cdozs.cz","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – ChILdCare for Pre-sChooL ChILdren        1                their children in these facilities only for a view days a month or a few hours a              day, in order to meet these prerequisites and to keep the parental leave allowance.              With the reform of the parental leave described earlier, these limitations changed              for children under 2 years to 46 hours a month and were abolished for children              over 2 years of age. This will probably lead to a further increase in the demand for              full-time services. According to the interviews with the persons in charge at the              Brno municipality and the Centre for Specialized Children’s Health Services, such              an increase has already been observed, after the fast track parental leave benefit              (until the child’s second birthday) was introduced in 2008. As a consequence, the              demand for full-time care in the nurseries increased. Also, in 2011, the 3 nurseries              in Brno experienced a demand for nursery services that exceeded the available              capacities for the first time, which is – according to our interviewees on this topic              – also related to a recent baby boom.               table 3.1 The Development of Nurseries in Brno                    Year          Number             Capacity          Children 0–                   1989            0                2 4*             1 92                   199                            1 09*             14 69                   1996            1                1 24*             1 26                   2000            1                1 190*             11 91                   2001            1                1 190*             11 840                   2002            1                1 100*             12 08                   200            1                1 110*             12 4                   2004            1                1 110*             1 1              * Including children up to the age of  placed in “micro-nurseries” and nurseries at kindergartens.              Sources: Data on the number and capacity of nurseries: ÚZIS, Síť zdravotnických zařízení JHM (Network              of healthcare institutions in the South Moravian Region), by December 31  of the given year. Data on the                                                               st              number of children 0–3 in Brno: Czech Statistical Office. Data for the years 1989, 1995 and 1996 is taken              over from Svobodová (2007: 15).                  In our interviews, the persons in charge at the Brno municipality and the              Centre  for  Specialized  Children’s  Health  Services  claimed  these  three  nursery              facilities mainly support the reconciliation of work and caring responsibilities              for women with university degrees. Consequently, their target group has changed              from single women and families with low incomes, who could not afford to have              the mother stay at home for three years, to professional, career oriented women.              Now, as predominantly high income groups use the nurseries, the municipality              recently raised the nursery fees and abolished the means-tested differentiation of              fees. This new fee-level is prohibitive for low-income mothers. Due to financial              reasons, there are no plans to expand the nurseries’ capacities. At the same time,              our interviewees at the local Brno-level perceived the capacities as adequate and              saw no need for enlarging them.                 In April 2012, the legal definition of a nursery as a health care institution,              administered by the ministry of health, was abolished (that is, the traditional","72                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             Czech  name  for  this  institution  [jesle]  was  abolished).  The  existing  publicly           subsidized institutions – as the 3 nurseries in Brno – had the choice to continue           either as commercial services (based on the trade act, which will be explained           below) or in the legal framework of “child groups”. These changes were related           to the preparation of a bill (starting in 2011), which aims to improve the offer           of  childcare  services.  This  bill  newly  introduces  the  legal  institute  of  a “child           group” for the regular care of children up to the mandatory school age (without           differentiating children aged 0–2 and 3–5), outlines the necessary qualifications           for a care provider and defines basic standards in relation to group size, child-carer           ratio, space requirements, etc. It can be established within the framework of the           trade act, as well as by non-profit subjects, municipalities, regions, employers, etc.           That is, the bill aims at fundamentally broadening the group of potential founders           of facilities providing childcare services alternative to those provided by public           facilities. Furthermore, it includes the possibility of tax reductions for childcare           costs both for parents who use private childcare services, and for employers who           establish child groups for the children of their employees or contribute to their           childcare  costs  (Návrh  2011). After  long  discussions  and  several  changes,  the           government finally agreed on the bill in spring 2013. However, it did not pass           the parliament before the governmental crisis in June/July 2013, which lead to           early elections and currently it is not clear whether the bill will pass the new           parliament. Nevertheless, anticipating these legal changes, the 3 nurseries which           currently exist in Brno have been renamed and are now called “Facility for the           care of children in a child group” (cz: Zařízení péče o dítě v dětské skupině).           However, as this bill was not approved, these institutions (as well as institutions           that were also newly established in anticipation of the bill) will continue to work           in a legislative vacuum.           Childcare policies – public kindergartens for the age group 3–5            While  the  existence  of  public  childcare  services  for  children  aged  0–2  was           basically questioned in public and political discourse after 1989, the usefulness           of kindergartens and the provision of public childcare for children aged 3–5 in           this institution was never doubted (Saxonberg, Hašková, Mudrák 2012). Though           kindergarten  facilities  were  also  closed  down  in  the  course  of  the  1990s,  this           was mainly related to demographic developments (a decrease in birth rates) and           never interpreted or presented as overcoming an outdated form of institutional           childcare. Hence, the ideal of care for children aged 3–5, in the form of public           kindergarten services, remained intact after the fall of the communist regime and           throughout the following years.              Public kindergartens can be established by the state, municipalities, regions,           and associations of municipalities or other legal persons. They are part of the           Czech educational system and are open for preschool children over three (and, if           space exists, are allowed to accept children over two). They are part of the Czech           school register and are legislated according to Educational Act No. 561/2004 Coll.           and hence, provide services including educational or schooling services according           to the Education Act (MPSV 2011; Štěpánková, Jaklová 2006). It is not mandatory","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – ChILdCare for Pre-sChooL ChILdren                to attend kindergarten in the Czech Republic. According to the Education Act              §34 (4) of Act No. 561/2004 Coll., kindergartens must give preference to children              the last year before they start school. In case such a child cannot be accepted              for capacity reasons, the municipality (where the child has his/her permanent              residence) is obliged to provide a place for the child in another kindergarten.              Attending kindergarten in this last year before the child reaches the mandatory              school age is free of charge. (Štěpánková, Jaklová 2006; Interview No. 4)                 According to the interview with the head of the Pedagogical Organizational              Department  at  the  Division  of  Education,  Youth  and  Sports  at  the  Brno              municipality (Interview No. 4), Brno aims at guaranteeing kindergarten places              not only for children in their last year before they start school (that is usually at              the age of 5) as defined by law, but also for children at the age of four. According              to the document “The Expansion of the Kindergarten-System in the City of Brno              until 2012 – Basic and innovative Forms of Education and Care for children of              pre-school age” (OŠMT 2010) the kindergarten capacities in Brno aim at a full              coverage of children aged 4–5 (based on demographic information as well as              information on the establishment of new housing) and a coverage of approx. 50%              for children at the age of 3 (based on earlier experiences).                 Hence the provision of kindergarten facilities in the city of Brno goes beyond              the legislative obligation and is presented as part of the city’s concern for family              policy, providing services for a reconciliation of work and family life. Though these              initiatives are not directly presented in the sense of supporting the participation              of women on the labour market, but rather framed as family policy concerns,              they definitely have positive effects on women’s possibilities of reconciling work              and  caring  responsibilities  in  Brno.  At  the  same  time  however,  the  provided              capacities assume non-institutional childcare for children up to the age of three              and for 50% of the children even up to the age of four. Hence, to this extent,              reconciling work and caring responsibilities in order to achieve an earlier return              to the labour market is left to private for-profit or NGO initiatives. Furthermore,              the strategic documents for the further development of kindergarten places react              first and foremost to the recent baby boom and aim at keeping the status quo              of kindergarten coverage, rather than improving the coverage with respect to              improving the possibilities for parents to reconcile their work and family life.                 The  criteria  for  accepting  children  in  kindergartens  are  defined  by  its              headmaster  (often  in  coordination  with  the  kindergarten’s  operator),  hence,              these criteria vary locally. According to a survey  of kindergarten headmasters                                                         6              conducted in 2006/2007 (Kuchařová 2009), 87% of the surveyed kindergartens              had at least one selection criteria for the children they accepted. More than half              of them (55%) used a combination of 4–6 criteria. Among the most important              were the permanent residence and the age of the child. Further criteria included              the following: whether both parents work, whether the mother/father is a single              parent, the planned attendance time (full-time or half-time), whether the child’s                6   Within this survey every second kindergarten of every district was selected from a database              of  public  kindergartens  provided  by  the  Institute  for  Information  on  Education.  96%  of  these              kindergartens  were  contacted,  of  which  26%  returned  the  questionnaire  (650  Kindergartens)              (Kuchařová 2009).","7                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             brother/sister is already enrolled, whether the family is socially deprived and so           on. However, many of the respondents also indicated that, in case of a lack of           capacity, the applications are evaluated individually. In the city of Brno, the basic           criteria for accepting children in public kindergartens are the age of the child           and its permanent residence. The fact that the mother works does not play a role           in Brno and in the interview with the Head of the Pedagogical Organizational           Department  at  the  Division  for  Education,  Youth  and  Sports  at  the  Brno           municipality, this approach was presented as being more transparent, and less           vulnerable to abuse (Interview No. 4).              Apart  from  public  nurseries  and  for-profit  services  for  children  aged  0–2,           kindergartens – which are designed for children aged 3–5 – are allowed to accept           children between two and three years old. It is interesting that for children at the           age of two, this possibility is far more important than nurseries, as the following           figures show: as of September 30, 2010, 33,040 children under 3 were enrolled           in kindergartens in the Czech Republic. This amounts to 9.3% of the children in           the age group 0–2 and 27.4% of the children aged 2. This relation makes sense,           as children under 3 can only be accepted in kindergartens if they are at least           two years old) . However, as outlined by Kuchařová (2009), though kindergartens                       7           accept  children  already  at  the  age  of  2,  not  all  of  the  facilities  allow  them  to           actually start attending the facility at the beginning of the school year. Rather, in                                              8           one third of the kindergartens surveyed , these children were able to start with           kindergarten only in the course of the year, after they had turned 3. For the age           group 3–5, kindergartens offering pre-school education have a long tradition in           the Czech Republic and are the most important facility providing formal care           – 84.2% of children in this age group attend these facilities. It becomes even more           important for children in their last year before they start going to school: at the           age of 5, 91.2% of children are enrolled in kindergartens .                                                           9              In Brno these kindergarten facilities play a similarly important role as on the           national level, but also show specific tendencies as far as their importance in             7   These figures are our own calculations based on data provided by the ÚIV on children enroled in           kindergartens http://stistko.uiv.cz/vo/1A.asp?pokres=left%28vusc%2C3%29%3D%27CZ0%27\&pzri           z=\&ptyp=left%28typ%2C1%29%3D%27A%27\&psprur=\&agr=3 as well as by the Czech statistical           office on the age structure of the population (http://www.czso.cz/csu/2011edicniplan.nsf/p/4003-11).           The figures on children enroled in kindergarten as of September 30, 2010, are based on kindergarten           records. For calculating the percentage figures we used the population figures as of December 31,           2010 (which are also available for the local Brno-level). The three months difference in the statistical           data used potentially leads to lower percentage figures.            8   Within this survey every second kindergarten of every district was selected from a database           of  public  kindergartens  provided  by  the  Institute  for  Information  on  Education.  96%  of  these           kindergartens  were  contacted,  of  which  26%  returned  the  questionnaire  (650  Kindergartens)           (Kuchařová 2009).            9   These figures are our own calculations based on data provided by the ÚIV on children enroled in           kindergartens http://stistko.uiv.cz/vo/1A.asp?pokres=left%28vusc%2C3%29%3D%27CZ0%27\&pzri           z=\&ptyp=left%28typ%2C1%29%3D%27A%27\&psprur=\&agr=3 as well as by the Czech statistical           office on the age structure of the population (http://www.czso.cz/csu/2011edicniplan.nsf/p/4003-11).           The figures on children enroled in kindergarten are as of September 30, 2010, based on kindergarten           records. For calculating the percentage figures we used the population figures as of December 31,           2010 (which are also available for the local Brno-level). The three months difference in the statistical           data used potentially leads to lower percentage figures.","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – ChILdCare for Pre-sChooL ChILdren                the various age groups are concerned: In Brno, the number of children under              age 3 enrolled in kindergartens is lower than on the national level – 5.3% of              the children aged 0–2 (compared to 9.3% on the national level) and 16.3% of              children at the age of 2 (compared to 27.4% on the national level) are attending              kindergarten. What is striking here is the fact that the percentage of two years              olds enrolled in kindergartens is, on the local Brno-level in comparison to the              national average, more than 10 percentage points lower. One possible explanation              for this, is the more extensive use of kindergartens for children aged 3–5 on the              local level, which leaves less space for the enrolment of children under 3 (older              children, especially children in the last year before mandatory school age are              preferably accepted in kindergartens). This explanation is supported by statistics              provided  for  children  in  the  age  group  of  3–5:  In  Brno  87.5%  of  children  in              the  age  group  3–5  attend  kindergarten  (on national average only 84.2%) and              in the group of children aged 5, it increases to 94.5% (compared to 91.2% on              the national level). However, a comparison of the enrolment in kindergartens of              children in the age group 2–5 on the national and local Brno-level also shows              that this overall enrolment is slightly lower on the Brno-level (42.6%) than on              the national level (45%). One possible interpretation of this difference is that the              kindergarten capacities offered at the local Brno level are lower than those offered              on national average. This is rather surprising, as the Brno municipality claims to              guarantee a kindergarten place not only for the last year before the child starts              with compulsory school education, but actually for the last two years, that is, also              for children at the age of four .                                        10                 In the Czech Republic and Brno, kindergartens are predominantly offered on              a full-time basis: In the year 2010 in the Czech Republic, 97% of the children              enrolled in kindergartens attended on a full time basis. In Brno this percentage              was even higher and amounted to 98.7% . According to the educational act, in                                                  11              the Czech Republic full-time kindergarten care means more than 6.5 hours a day,              that is 32.5 hours a week. Only a small minority of children attend kindergarten              on part-time basis, that is less than 6.5 hours a day. For the Czech Republic and              for Brno this number amounts to 0.9% of the children enrolled in kindergartens.                 10   The indicated figures are our own calculations based on data provided by the ÚIV on children              enroled in kindergartens in the city of Brno http://stistko.uiv.cz/vo/1A.asp?pokres=vusc%3D%27              CZ0622%27\&pzriz=\&ptyp=left%28typ%2C1%29%3D%27A%27\&psprur=\&agr=3 as well as by the              Czech statistical office on the age structure of the population (http://www.czso.cz/csu/2011edicniplan.              nsf/p/4003-11). The figures on children enroled in kindergarten are as of September 30, 2010, based              on kindergarten records. For calculating the percentage figures we used the population figures as of              December 31, 2010 (which are also available for the local Brno-level). The three months difference in              the statistical data used potentially leads to lower percentage figures.                11   The  indicated  figures  are  our  own  calculations  based  on  data  provided  by  the  ÚIV  on  the              attendance time of children enroled in kindergartens in the Czech Republic http://stistko.uiv.cz/              vo/41.asp?pokres=left%28vusc%2C3%29%3D%27CZ0%27\&pzriz=\&ptyp=\&psprur=\&agr=3   and              on the Brno city level http://stistko.uiv.cz/vo/41.asp?pokres=vusc%3D%27CZ0622%27\&pzriz=\&pt              yp=\&psprur=\&agr=3 as well as by the Czech statistical office on the age structure of the population              (http://www.czso.cz/csu/2011edicniplan.nsf/p/4003-11). For calculating the percentage figures we              used the population figures as of December 31, 2010 (which are also available for the local Brno-              level). The three months difference in the statistical data used potentially leads to lower percentage              figures.","7                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             Finally,  there  is  a  third  possibility,  that  is,  enrolment  in  accordance  with  the           (former)  prerequisites  for  the  parental  allowance,  meaning  4  hours  a  day  or           5 days a month. In 2010, in the whole Czech Republic, 2.1% of children enrolled           in  kindergartens  attended  in  this  limited  form,  for  the  local  Brno-level,  this           amounted to only 0.4% .                               12              One  of  the  reasons  why  these  limited  services  are  not  widespread  in  the           Czech Republic is the fact that these arrangements are not very popular with           kindergartens for financial reasons. If the children attend the kindergarten only           on this limited basis, the governmental subsidies the kindergarten obtains for           this child are cut back (according to the attendance hours), which might lead           to  financial  problems  in  the  kindergarten  (Kuchařová  2009).  Furthermore,  in           the case these children are under 3 (which is quite probable for this group of           children, as the parental allowance is paid at maximum until the child reaches           the age of 4), this might also mean that the total number of children in the group           has to be reduced, which leads to further financial losses for the kindergarten           facility (Interview. no. 4). For these reasons some kindergarten facilities refuse to           accept children with limited attendance. In this respect it is especially unpopular           to accept children for only 5 days a month, as these children have more problems           adapting to the kindergarten environment (Kuchařová 2009).            Childcare policies – private childcare facilities            In addition to the outlined public possibilities, in the Czech Republic a rather           limited range of private facilities exist which provide childcare services for children           0–5 on a commercial basis (either at the child’s home or in a specific childcare           facility). From a legal point of view, currently this is done within the framework           of three types of trades related to childcare, which are regulated according to the           trade act. The bill related to the “child group” described before, which has not yet           passed the parliament, is/was meant to broaden these possibilities.              The first possibility is “Babysitting children up to three years of age by a non-           parent” (regulated according to Act No. 455/1991 Coll., trade act). It is designed           as a licensed trade, requiring a specific training. Traditionally, the educational and           qualification requirements for this licenced trade were characterized by a certain           rooting in health care (similar to the definition of nurseries as health care facilities)           rather than for example in early child pedagogy. Hence, they had to be operated           by a person who is specially qualified to carry out the profession of a general           nurse or is qualified to carry out the profession of a healthcare assistant, a male           nurse, a midwife or a paramedic according to Act no. 96/2004 Coll. governing            12   The  indicated  figures  are  our  own  calculations  based  on  data  provided  by  the  ÚIV  on  the           attendance time of children enroled in kindergartens in the Czech Republic http://stistko.uiv.cz/           vo/41.asp?pokres=left%28vusc%2C3%29%3D%27CZ0%27\&pzriz=\&ptyp=\&psprur=\&agr=3   and           on the Brno city level http://stistko.uiv.cz/vo/41.asp?pokres=vusc%3D%27CZ0622%27\&pzriz=\&pt           yp=\&psprur=\&agr=3 as well as by the Czech statistical office on the age structure of the population           (http://www.czso.cz/csu/2011edicniplan.nsf/p/4003-11). For calculating the percentage figures we           used the population figures as of December 31, 2010 (which are also available for the local Brno-           level). The three months difference in the statistical data used potentially leads to lower percentage           figures.","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – ChILdCare for Pre-sChooL ChILdren                non-physician healthcare professions, or a person who is qualified to carry out              the profession of a social worker or a social services worker in accordance with              Act no. 108/2006 Coll. on Social Services (MPSV 2011). Recent changes in the                              th              law (as of June 30 , 2012) widened these requirements to include persons who              are qualified to carry out the profession of a social worker or a social services              worker in accordance with Act no. 108/2006 Coll. on Social Services, as well as              kindergarten teachers (based on Act no. 563/2004 Coll.) and nannies (based on              Act no. 179/2006 Coll.).                 Decree No. 278/2008 Coll. outlines the content of this trade as educational care              for children up to 3 years of age: This kind of care should aim at the development              of the child’s intellectual and language abilities, movement, working, music, and              art abilities as well as the cultural hygienic habits adequate for the child’s age.              Furthermore, it requires the care for the safety and health of the child, access to              fresh air, and sleep in an adequate hygienic environment as well as the securing              of the child’s personal hygiene, including first aid.                 Commercial care services for children over the age of 3 can be provided based              on two unlicensed trades, the content of which is again outlined in the Decree no.              278/2008 Coll. governing the contents of individual trades: These are trade no.              72 – “Out of school training and education and the organization of courses and              trainings, including lecturing activities” and trade no. 79, defined as “Provision of              services for families and households”. While the former (among others) refers to              the provision of pre-school education for children over age 3 in facilities which              are not registered in the school register, the latter includes the provision for the              operation of a household, care of children, care of persons in need of increased              care and procurement activities. In this respect, it refers to child minders (among              others) who provide care in the child’s home. Trade no. 79 explicitly excludes the              care for children younger than 3 years on a daily basis (MPSV 2011). Contrary to              the licensed trade (providing childcare services for children under 3), for these              two unlicensed trades, the law does not outline special requirements as regards              the qualification of persons performing this trade.                 These private facilities are not registered with the ministry of education, youth              and sports (as are public kindergartens) and hence do not get state subsidies for              their provision of care. They are also not bound by the Education Act in their              provision of services.                 Nevertheless,  in  case  the  care  is  provided  outside  the  child’s  home,  in  a              childcare facility, both the licensed trade related to children up to the age of 3              and the unlicensed trade for children over three, have to comply with § 7 of the              act No. 258/2000, Coll. on the protection of public health. That is, these facilities              have to fulfil the same hygienic standards as schools and school facilities, related              to  space  requirements,  equipment,  operation,  light,  heating,  microclimatic              conditions,  water  supply,  clearance,  and  the  laundry.  Apart  from  that,  this              paragraph mentions the child’s daily regime, which has to take into account the              child’s specific characteristics and gives advice for the prevention of infectious              diseases.                 These  regulations  fundamentally  influence  the  provision  of  non-public              childcare services. For the person operating childcare facilities these regulations","7                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             require rather high investments into the facility, which is not only an important           barrier for opening up such facilities, but also fundamentally influences the price           of the services. Moreover, the legislation related to the commercial provision of           childcare only outlines certain prerequisites which must be met in order to be           able to start providing childcare services (educational requirements, standards           related to the facility, etc.); however, it does not regulate how the care actually           should be provided – for example in the sense of basic standards outlining the           maximum number of children allowed in a group, a maximum staff/child ratio,           space requirements related to group size, etc. This bears potential problems for           the founder of such facilities (as for them it is unclear what kind of criteria they           have to fulfil). Additionally, it complicates the situation for parents, as there are no           basic quality standards they might fall back upon. Hence they do not know what           they can expect from these services (Návrh 2011).              Even worse is the situation related to services, which are neither regulated           by the trade act, nor fulfil the criteria for school facilities (in the sense of public           kindergartens)  –  for  example  various  forms  of  childcare  services  provided           on  a  non-profit  basis  (e.g.  day  care  services  provided  by  companies  for  their           employees, by non-profit organizations). Currently, in the Czech Republic, no legal           framework regulating such services exists. So these services have no legal grounds           to support them. Again this hinders the provision of alternative childcare services           (Návrh 2011). As mentioned before, the bill on child groups, which should have           contributed to solving these problems, has not yet passed the parliament.              Regarding the provision of private profit based childcare services (based on           the trade act), no official statistics exist. Kuchařová (2009) draws on information           from a commercial database and indicates for the year 2008 for the whole Czech           Republic 93 economic subjects, working on the basis of the licensed trade, that           is, providing services for children under 3 years of age. These subjects are mostly           concentrated in larger cities (50 in Prague, 6 in Brno) as there the demand for           such services is higher than in rural areas. It is hard to gain information on the           capacities of these firms. According to the findings presented in Kuchařová’s (2009)           study (gained through interviews with selected providers), in the case that they           provide caring services outside the child’s home, the capacity of these facilities           is usually limited to 12–15 children. Based on the data from 2008, this would           mean a maximum capacity of 90 places offered in such commercial facilities in           Brno (provided, that all these subjects provide care in groups, outside the child’s           home).              The documentation related to the new bill on child groups and childminders           (discussed above) gives a much higher number for the whole Czech Republic,           regarding the licensed trade “Babysitting children up to three years of age by a           non-parent”. According to information provided by the Ministry of Trade, by the           end of March 2011, 633 of these licensed trades were registered (Návrh 2011).           The question is however, how many of them were active and in fact provided           childcare services.              As far as the local Brno level is concerned, for the FLOWS project we bought           data  from  the  same  commercial  database  referred  to  by  Kuchařová  (2009).           According to these data, in January 2012, 31 persons had registered trade licenses","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – ChILdCare for Pre-sChooL ChILdren        9                for childcare for children aged 0–2, having their place of business in Brno. Out              of this group, 7 had currently interrupted their business activities. For 15 out              of the 24, we found information on the internet. According to this information,              10 provide childcare services, mostly in small facilities with a capacity of 9–15              children, with an average of 12 children. Hence, all in all, these facilities provide              a capacity of 120–130 children. 3 subjects are agencies which act as agents for              child minders, and two subjects provide personal, individual childcare. Based on              these (very vague) estimations for commercial services, the total capacities of              commercial and public childcare facilities for children aged 0–2 in Brno amounts              to 230–240 places (that is, approx. 1.8% of children aged 0–2 living in Brno).                 We have no meaningful data available on the provision of childcare services              based on the two free trades outlined above. For these cases, it is not even helpful              to search the commercial database from which we gained data on the provision              of childcare services of children up to the age of 3. The problem is related to              the fact that both free trades are not only related to childcare services, but also              potentially include the provision of other services. The only estimation we have              available comes from the head of the Pedagogical Organizational Department at              the Division for Education, Youth and Sports at the Brno municipality. According              to her estimation, in the city of Brno approximately 30 facilities exist which use              the label “kindergarten”, but are not registered in the schooling register. The overall              capacity of these facilities amounts to approx. 1000 places.                 Additionally, these two trades also provide the possibility of acting as agents              for child minders. An internet search (January 2012) for such agencies operating              and offering their services in Brno found 7 such agencies. It is, however, hard to              tell how many child minders these agencies have at their disposal and to what              extent they are used by parents.                 Since the start of discussion on the bill regarding “child groups” there has been              an increased number of NGO projects (based on financing by the ESF) which              anticipate the legal changes and focus on the provision of childcare for children              under three. Currently it remains unclear what kind of legal framework will be              established for this form of childcare.               the Brno welfare mix of childcare services               Based on the data outlined above it is now possible to sum up and comment on              the welfare mix of childcare services in Brno, that is, the extent to which childcare              is provided in the form of private and public services. In the Czech Republic              and  in  Brno  accordingly,  the  relation  of  public  and  private  childcare  services              differs for the age groups 0–2 and 3–5. Based on data from the year 2010 and              the estimations above, approx. 240 places for children aged 0–2 were provided              in Brno (however not including services run by NGOs). Out of these, 110, that              is 45.8%, were provided in the 3 nurseries subsidized by the city of Brno, and              approx. 120–130, that is 54.2%, in private, profit oriented facilities. For children              in the age group 3–5, all in all approximately 10,400 places were provided. Here,              the large majority of 9,394 places (90.4%) was provided in public kindergartens              and the rest (approx. 1000 places, that is 9.6%) in private facilities (which are not","0                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             registered in the school register). Apart from the shares of public and private           facilities,  childcare  services  offered  for  the  two  age  groups  differ  importantly           in their coverage. While the places provided for children aged 0–2 cover only           approx. 2% of children in the respective age group living in Brno (as of December           31 , 2010), 95.8% of the children in the age group 3–5 attend a public or private             st           kindergarten.              This mix of services, which is proposed and supported in key policy documents           related to childcare on the Brno city level, is inspired by and corresponds with the           framework presented in the national conception for family policy (MPSV 2009).           With respect to the development of childcare facilities for children aged 0–3, the           national family policy strategy promotes (through indirect measures like reducing           legal and bureaucratic barriers) the development of private (commercial) offers,           which provide care for pre-school children aged 0–2 in small scale facilities, which           allow more individual care for the children. The expansion of public, institutional           facilities for children in this age group is explicitly not a target of this conception.           Rather, in this respect, the focus is put on the sufficient provision of kindergarten           facilities, which, as also emphasised in the national family policy conception, is           the responsibility of local municipalities (MPSV 2009).              In  the  context  of  Brno  city  policies,  the  provision  of  childcare  services  is           dealt  with  in  the  context  of  the  family  policy  conception  and  as  a  matter  of           providing pre-school education (in the framework of the kindergarten system).           The Conception for Family Policies of the City of Brno mentions nurseries (for           children under three) together with kindergartens (for children over three) in           the  section “Services  for  Children”,  in  relation  to  the  goal  of “sufficiency  and           variability of institutional and non-institutional care for children of all age groups”           (Poradní Sbor RMB pro rodinu / OZ MMB 2008). However, there are no strategic           documents at the municipal level which explicitly deal with the nurseries or their           further development. Rather, in our interviews, the capacities of the three nurseries           were presented as sufficient to meet the demand of the target group (professional,           career oriented women). The further development of the kindergarten system is           in contrast dealt with in two strategic documents: “The general education system           in the City of Brno and its development trends until 2013” (OŠMT 2011) and in           more detail “The Expansion of the Kindergarten-System in the City of Brno until           2012 – Basic and Innovative Forms of Education and Care for Children of Pre-           school Age” (OŠMT 2010). Regarding these two documents, it is also important           to note that they first and foremost react to a recent baby boom, which led to a           lack of capacity in kindergartens in Brno. In this respect they aim at maintaining           the status quo. Improving the conditions for reconciling work and family life for           parents in Brno is not their primary concern.              Thus, we can now conclude that the Brno municipality promotes a local ideal           of care that basically remains within the framework of the national ideal of care,           in which parents should provide full-time care for children until the age of three.           The only exception to that was the decision to keep three nurseries. However,           these institutions are seen as meeting the needs of a very specific and rather           small group of women that, for professional and career reasons, chose an early           return to the labour market. Hence, these childcare services are not promoted as","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – ChILdCare for Pre-sChooL ChILdren        81                a mainstream option. On the other hand, the city government would not have              the financial resources to provide them as a mainstream option. In this sense, the              approach to providing childcare services remains within the framework outlined              in the national family policy conception. Consequently, it has not been a priority              policy issue in Brno to make it easier for mothers in general to return to the              labour market before their child reaches the age of three.                 3.3   Quality, affordability, accessibility and Financing of Childcare                    Services in Brno                Quality               Regarding the quality of childcare services, in the following we focus on group              size, child-staff ratio as well as required staff qualifications for both public and              commercial services.                 After 1989, the Czech Ministry of Health did not issue any regulation outlining              a compulsory maximum staff-child ratio for nurseries. At the same time, however,              the methodological instruction on nurseries issued in 1968 was never abolished.              These instructions regulated the operation of the nursery as well as its employees              and their tasks. Despite the fact that this instruction exactly regulated the necessary              presence of a doctor in the nursery, it did not include information on the number              of nurses needed for assuring the care services (Svobodová 2007).                 In the 3 Brno nurseries, enrolled children are divided into two groups according              to age, one for the younger (the nurseries accept children aged 1–3), and one for              the older. In case of full capacities, in the group for younger toddlers, the staff-              child ratio is 5 children to one nurse and in the group for older toddlers, the staff-              child ratio is 5–7 children to one nurse (Svobodová 2007). These standards are              also in accordance with the bill on “child groups” (cf. the information presented              below).                 The requested education for childcare staff working in a public nursery before              April 2012, when it was defined as a health care institution, was either a university              degree in nursing or specific further training as a child nurse (including pedagogy              and  psychology)  or  a  general  nurse  with  a  specialization  in  paediatrics,  after              obtaining the general certificate of secondary education at a health care school              (Svobodová 2007). In Brno, each of the three nurseries is managed by a head nurse,              who is a specialized child nurse and who also completed specialized training in              “Educational care” after obtaining her general certificate of secondary education.              The other employees are either child nurses (the study program for child nurses              includes also pedagogy and psychology) or general nurses, who completed special              further trainings in pedagogy and psychology (Svobodová 2007).                 The  reform  related  to  the  provision  of  childcare  services,  which  had  been              in development since 2011 (and which was stopped due to the governmental              crises in June/July 2013) aimed at introducing “child groups”, which, for the first","2                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             time, also regulated staff-child ratios for different age groups. The following three           groups were differentiated (Návrh 2011):              •  Child…group…(large): for 13–24 children (in case of the presence of children                 under 2, for 13–18 children) cared for by at least 3 caring persons (that is                 the maximum staff-child ratio is 6–8 children, depending on age, for one                 caring person).              •  Child… group… (medium):  for  5–12  children  (in  case  of  the  presence  of                 children under 2, for 5–10 children) cared for by at least 2 caring persons                 (that is the maximum staff-child ratio is 5–6 children, depending on age,                 for one caring person).              •  Child…group…(small): for maximum 4 children, cared for by one person.              The bill also proposes important changes on the educational level and the           qualifications required for the provision of care in child groups. It harmonizes           the requirements for the care of children aged 0–5 and widens the group of those           persons, who are allowed to provide care for children under 3. Thus, it abolishes           the dominant focus on health care education and also includes people who gained           their qualifications through requalification and specific life-long learning courses           (Návrh 2011). As discussed earlier, it is not clear whether the new government           will continue with these reforms or change the bill.              The group size for kindergartens is regulated in § 2 of regulation No. 14/2005           on preschool education. A kindergarten with one class has at least 15 children           and a kindergarten with two or more classes has at least 18 children in one class           (on average). In the case that there is only one kindergarten with one class in the           municipality, the minimum number of children in one class is 13, in the case of           two or more classes it is 16. The maximum number of children in one class is 24;           in the case of the presence of disabled children, the maximum number is 19 (the           minimum 12). According to § 23 of the act No. 561/2004 (Education Act), the           founder of the kindergarten exceed these limits by a maximum of 4 children. That           is, at most 28 children are allowed in one class with one teacher.              In case of outdoor activities, § 5 of the regulation No. 14/2005 on preschool           education sets the maximum staff-child ratio at one kindergarten teacher for 20           children. In case of a class with disabled children, the maximum is 12 children           for one teacher. For these cases, the headmaster of the kindergarten may grant           exceptions for up to 8 children.              In the city of Brno, all in all in the year 2010, 11,028 children were enrolled           in 432 kindergarten-classes. These children were taught by 898.3 teachers (full-           time equivalents). Based on these numbers, the average number of children per           class in Brno is 25.5 children and the average number of children per teacher is           12.3, that is, on average two teachers per class . These two teachers however very                                                  13           often alternate in the sense of one working in the morning and the other in the           afternoon (Saxonberg, Hašková, Mudrák 2012). Or their simultaneous presence             13   The  presented  figures  are  our  own  calculations  based  on  the  total  number  of  kindergarten           classes and children in Brno (http://stistko.uiv.cz/vo/41.asp?pokres=vusc%3D%27CZ0622%27\&pz           riz=\&ptyp=\&psprur=\&agr=1) as well as on teachers (http://stistko.uiv.cz/vo/1B.asp?pokres=vusc%           3D%27CZ0622%27\&pzriz=\&ptyp=\&psprur=\&agr=1) as provided by the Institute for Information           on Education (ÚIV) based on Kindergarten records.","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – ChILdCare for Pre-sChooL ChILdren        8                is limited to specific times of the day (it is common to have outdoor activities in              the morning, which, by law, require the presence of two teachers for a group of              over 20 children).                 According to Act No. 563/2004, as amended, a kindergarten teacher requires              either a university education in the field of pedagogy, with a focus on preschool              pedagogy,  or  specific  further  training  focused  on  the  training  of  preschool              teachers after obtaining the general certificate of secondary education, a general              certificate  of  secondary  education  from  a  secondary  school  focused  on  the              training of preschool teachers.                 As far as commercial services are concerned, according to the trade act, the              licensed trade “Babysitting children up to three years of age by a non-parent”              requires the specific training outlined above. For persons who wish to operate              day care services for children older than 3 years (based on one of the free trades              outlined above), no specific qualifications are required.                 As discussed above, one of the main problems of private childcare services              is the absence of basic quality standards as far as group size, staff-child ratio,              etc. are concerned. Currently, no such standards are available and our search for              such facilities on the internet showed, that indeed, the range of the provided              caring services is wide. Though most of the facilities we found on the internet              (for  children  aged  under  3)  were  rather  small  scale  facilities  (for  12  children              on average), the staff-child ratio varied among the various facilities from 3–6              children per caring person. Hence, the question remains, when, or rather, whether              at all, the bill on “child groups” will pass the Czech parliament.               affordability               In  the  following,  we  will  provide  information  on  the  costs  of  the  previously              described different forms of childcare which are offered in Brno.               table 3.2 Overview of the National Average and Median Income for Men and Women by              Educational Attainment (in CZK ) in 2011                                       14                                             Average Income         Median Income                Education                                         overall  men  women   overall  men  women                Overall                  26 881  0 192  22 666  22 608  24 69  20 00                Basic and unfinished     1 00  19 2  1 200  1 6  18 96  14 21                Secondary without GCSE   20  22 482  16 180  19 24  21 468  1 16                Secondary with GCSE      26 924  0 426  2   24 020  26 940  21 986                Undergraduate education (including   1 001  6 089  26 8  26 942  1 6  24 161                Bachelor)                University education     4 909   086   6  4 906  40 041  29 0              Source: ČSÚ 2011                    14   The average exchange rate in 2011 was 24.586 CZK per 1 EUR.","Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?                In order to provide a more differentiated picture as far as the share of costs           for childcare in the family income are concerned, we will draw on the national           income figures presented in Table 3.2 (first and foremost the median income),           differentiated by educational attainment.            public nurseries           The fee for the 3 Brno nurseries is set by the Brno City Assembly and until the end           of 2011 used to be differentiated according to the income of the child’s parent(s),           starting at CZK 800 (EUR 32) (for parents with lower income) and reaching up to           CZK 4,500 (EUR 180) per month for full-time care. The fee for part-time care or           care limited to 5 days a month was calculated from the highest fee. As of January           1, 2012, the City Assembly set a new general rate for full-time care, amounting           to CZK 6,000 (EUR 240) per month. That means the fee was raised and its social           grading abolished. The fee for part-time care or care limited to only several days           a month is calculated accordingly.              Put in relation to the average median income, this amounts to 26.5% and in           case of a two-income family to 13.4% of the monthly family income. For a female           single parent, the nursery fee amounts to 30% of her income. Taking the various           educational levels into account, for a two-income family with basic or unfinished           education,  the  nursery  fee  corresponds  to  18.4%  of  their  income,  for  a  two-           income family with secondary education with GCSE this percentage amounts to           12.3% and finally, for a two-income family, were both partners have university           education, the share is 8.7%. In case of a female single parent the percentages           related to these 3 educational levels amount to 42% (basic or unfinished education),           27.3% (secondary with GCSE) and 20.7% (university education). These relations           show that the predominant target group for the Brno nurseries are parents with           university education. In our interviews with the persons in charge for and related           to the Brno nurseries, it was also repeatedly emphasized that the women who           make  use  of  the  nursery  services  have  a  university  education  and  are  career           oriented.           public kindergartens            As far as fees for public kindergartens are concerned, according to Education Act           § 123 act no. 561/2004 Coll., public kindergartens are allowed to collect fees for           their services. These are set by the kindergarten’s headmaster at the beginning of           the school year for the whole year. The Decree No. 14/2005 Coll. on pre-school           education limits this fee to a maximum of 50% of the real average costs/child           of the previous year (with the exception of wages). According to the Education           Act, it is also possible to waive this fee, especially for socially deprived parents.           Furthermore, the last year of kindergarten before the child reaches mandatory           school age (that is, the year during which the child reaches the age of 6 years)           must be provided free of charge.","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – ChILdCare for Pre-sChooL ChILdren        8                   The fees differ among schools, and also according to location. They range from                                   15              approximately CZK 300  a month in smaller municipalities to CZK 600–700 in              the city of Prague. The level in Brno is somewhere in between, at around CZK              400–600 a month. In addition to the schooling fee, parents have to pay for the food              provided, approximately CZK 30 a day. That means the overall cost of childcare              in public kindergartens in the city of Brno is about CZK 1100–1200 (EUR 44–48)              a month (for fulltime care). For a two-income family with basic or unfinished              education this amounts to 3.7%, for a female single parent at this educational              level, it makes up 8.4% of the median income. Hence, these public services are              rather accessible for lower income groups.              Commercial services               When it comes to commercial childcare services, it is not surprising that the fees              for these facilities substantially differ from those of public services. If we take as              an example the 10 private facilities (we found on the internet) providing care              for children under 3 years (and above, as well) in Brno, the fees range from CZK              6500 (EUR 260) to CZK 8400 (EUR 336) for a month of full-time care. Hence the              share of these services in the income of different income groups is at least as high              as those calculated for the Brno nurseries. That is, these services are potentially              available only for the higher income groups (university education), provided that              these are double-income families.                 Finally, the most expensive (but at the same time the most flexible) commercial              service are child-minders. The prices of the nine agencies we found on the internet,              range from approx. CZK 110 to CZK 180 (EUR 4.4–7.2) per hour, depending on              whether it is for child minding on a regular basis or for occasional child minding              (which is more expensive). An agency charges around CZK 12,500 (EUR 500)              to arrange a child-minder to work for a family. While parents make a contract              with the child-minder individually, some agencies have certain conditions, such              as minimum hourly rates. Prices for child-minders who are not provided by an              agency cost around CZK 80 to CZK 110 (EUR 3.2–4.4) per hour, depending on              their qualifications and whether their service is provided on a regular basis or              only occasionally.              accessibility of childcare services in Brno               Regarding accessibility of the various types of childcare services in Brno, we will              discuss their opening hours as well as the relation between offered and demanded              places (as far as information/data are available on that).                 In Brno, the opening hours of the 3 public nurseries are from 6:30 a.m. until              5 p.m., which can be adapted to the needs of the parents. During the week the              nurseries are open from Monday to Friday, all year. As far as the relation of supply              and demand for places in the 3 Brno nurseries is concerned, according to the              interviews with the persons in charge at the Brno municipality, only recently (in                  15   The average exchange rate in 2013 was 25.974 CZK per 1 EUR.","Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             relation to the changes in the regulation of parental leave) the demand for places           slightly exceeds the number of places offered. In this regard, the rather high fee           (discussed above) also plays a role in limiting the demand for these services.              The usual opening hours for public kindergartens are mostly from 6:30 a.m.           to 4:30 p.m. In Brno, only two kindergartens provide special opening hours: one           (with a capacity of 28 places) has prolonged opening hours until 6 p.m. and the           other (also with a capacity of 28 places) provides residential care for the whole           week (Monday to Friday). The children there do not necessarily have to stay for           the whole week, but they can stay there overnight – e.g. in case the parents have           to work shifts or have to work late in the evening (e.g. doctors). These additional           services are financed by the municipality, that is, the state only subsidizes facilities           in relation to their basic operation (mostly starting at 6:30 a.m. until 4:30 p.m.)           and the rest is financed by the municipality (Interview No. 4).              According to the Decree No. 14/2005 Coll. on pre-school education, during           the summer holidays kindergarten operation can be interrupted for up to two           months. The kindergarten’s headmaster decides this and it has to be announced           to the parent(s) at least 2 months ahead of time. Based on a written request from           the parent(s) at least 30 days before the kindergarten is temporally closed, the           headmaster is obliged to find a place for the child in another kindergarten.              Though from a financial point of view a place in a public kindergarten is           affordable for all income groups, due to a baby boom over the last few years, a           significant mismatch between the number of kindergarten places demanded and           offered has developed. Hence, looking for a kindergarten place has become more           complicated. During the last few years, the number of kindergarten applications           which  did  not  get  a  kindergarten  place  has  strongly  increased. According  to           the data provided by the Institute on Information in Education, in the Czech           Republic the number of rejected applications increased six fold from 2005 (6,810           rejected applications) to 2010 (39,483 rejected applications). In the city of Brno,           the situation is even worse: while in 2005 351 applications were rejected, in 2010           this number reached 4,896, which is 16 times as high as in 2005. Partly this is           related to the fact that parents started applying for a kindergarten place at several           facilities in order to improve their chances for getting a place (Interview No. 4).           However, this situation indicates there is a limited accessibility of kindergarten           places. It also indicates that parents are increasingly finding it difficult to find a           kindergarten place in a facility which is either near their home or their workplace.           Thus, they are now lucky to find a place at all (at the moment when they wish to           return to the labour market).              In this regard, it is also interesting to note, that there are some places in Brno           where new blocks of flats have been built to which many young families have           moved. As the building of these blocks of flats is faster than the development of           public facilities, in these locations there are specific problems with kindergarten           facilities. Hence for the parents of children living in these locations, finding a           place in a public kindergarten is even more complicated and it is rather probable,           that they will have to travel longer distances to these facilities (Interview no. 4).              The commercial services available in Brno offer more flexible and, in some           cases, longer opening hours (e.g. until 7 p.m.). The most striking difference is","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – ChILdCare for Pre-sChooL ChILdren        8                probably in the greater flexibility to the extent in which children can be enrolled.              While  in  public  facilities  it  is  rather  difficult  to  limit  a  child’s  attendance,  for              example to one or two days a week, more or less all of the facilities we researched              on the internet (in relation to the licensed trade) offer a great variety of regular              enrolment as well as the possibility of occasional child minding. One nursery also              regularly offers its services at the weekend (once a month, both during the day              and also in the evening).                 Of course, the most flexible services offer child-minders who are potentially              available for 24 hours (offers include the minding of sick children, minding if              the family goes on holiday, accompanying children if they have to see the doctor,              etc.).                 Similar to the nurseries subsidized by the Brno city administration, the fees              for private, profit based services importantly limit the demand for these services              to higher income groups. At the same time however, the offer of these services is              limited by the legal and organizational barriers which still make it rather difficult              to establish and run private childcare facilities, especially for children under the              age of 3 years. The fact that the bill on “child groups” did not pass the parliament              and  its  future  destiny  remains  unclear,  has  further  prolonged  this  substantial              problem.               public spending on childcare services in Brno               There is no obligation for a municipality to establish nurseries in its territory.              This exclusive autonomy also holds for financing. Hence, the 3 Brno nurseries              are financed exclusively from the municipality’s budget and are not subsidized by              the state budget. It is up to the municipality (as the nurseries’ founder) to what              extent the nurseries’ clients have to pay for the provided services (Štěpánková,              Jaklová 2006; Svobodová 2007; Interview No. 12). In 2010, the Brno municipality              funded the three Brno nurseries with the overall amount of CZK 8,726,000 (EUR              349,040). For the year 2012, expenditures of CZK 6,981,000 (EUR 279,240) were              budgeted. Due to the cuts in the municipality’s subsidies for the nurseries, the              monthly  fee  for  nurseries  was  raised  for  2012  (cf.  the  information  presented              above). For 2010, this means expenditures per child aged 0–2 (also including              those not attending nurseries) of CZK 677 (EUR 27.08) and of CZK 79,327 (EUR              3173.08) per place in a nursery .                                         16                 The financing of public kindergartens, which are registered with the ministry              for education, youth and sports, is regulated in § 160 and 191 of Act No. 561/2004              Coll., Education Act, as well as in the Decree No. 14/2005 Coll. on pre-school              education. The basic financing principle is that expenditures which are not directly              related to education are financed by the facility’s founder (e.g. the municipality,              region, religious organization) and those expenditures which are directly related              to education, are covered by the ministry. Private facilities which are not registered              with the ministry of education, youth and sports do not get the above mentioned                 16   Our own calculationas based on information on the Brno-city budget 2010 and 2012 provided              by theheadofthe Budget-Department atthe Brno municipality as well as on data provided by the              ÚIV.","Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             subsidies and are not bound by the Education Act in their provision of services. In           2010 the Brno municipality funded the public kindergarten system in Brno with           the overall amount of CZK 169,436,000 (EUR 6,777,440). For 2010, this means           expenditures per child aged 3–5 (including those not attending a kindergarten)           of CZK 15,773 (EUR 631) and of CZK 15,364 (EUR 615) per child attending a           kindergarten in Brno .                             17              The overall expenditures for childcare services for children aged 0–5 (nurseries           and kindergartens) amount to CZK 178,162,000 (EUR 7,126,480) that is, CZK           7,539 (EUR 302) per child aged 0–5 and CZK 480 (EUR 19) per inhabitant (as           of December 31, 2010) . The overall expenditures of the city of Brno amount to                               18           CZK 12,208,004,000 (EUR 488,320,160), hence expenditures on childcare services           for children aged 0–5 amount to 1.5% of Brno’s overall expenditures .                                                                      19              Apart from the expenditures related to nurseries and kindergarten facilities,           NGO activities might also gain financial support for their work and/or concrete           projects from the Brno municipality. Since 2008, in relation to the adoption of           the Brno family policy conception, the assembly of the city of Brno also adopted           the option to provide grants “for the support of families” . The priorities for                                                               20           the selection of projects for this financial support are as follows: support of the           functioning and cohesiveness of the family, prevention of the social exclusion           of  parents  caring  for  children,  support  of  the  reconciling  of  professional  and                                               21           family roles, leisure activities for families.  Since the introduction of this option,           the budget reserved for these projects has increased almost fivefold (from CZK           300,000 (EUR 12,000) in 2008 to CKZ 1,405,000 (EUR 56,200) in 2010), however           by 2011 it has been cut back slightly (CZK 1,395,000 – EUR 55,800) .                                                                     22             3.4   Conclusions – Childcare for pre-school Children in Brno            The major issues and problems, which also fundamentally characterize the current           overall childcare situation in Brno, are the lack of childcare capacities in public           kindergartens (related to the recent baby boom), the lack of a developed system           of alternative facilities and services based on clearly and centrally outlined quality           standards, and the limited financial accessibility of private childcare services. This              17   11,028 – This figure includes all children aged 2–6 attending a kindergarten in Brno (also those           with postponed school attendance), based on information provided by the Institute for Information           on Education (ÚIV). http://stistko.uiv.cz/vo/41.asp?pokres=vusc%3D%27CZ0622%27\&pzriz=\&pty           p=\&psprur=\&agr=1            18   Our own calculationas based on information on the Brno-city budget 2010 and 2012 provided           by the head of the Budget-Department at the Brno municipality as well as on data provided by the           ÚIV.            19   The  Brno  Budget  for  2010  is  available  online:  http://www.brno.cz/sprava-mesta/dokumenty-           mesta/rozpocet/rozpocet-mesta-brna-blizsi-informace-poskytne-ing-trnecka-tel-542-173-254/           souhrnny-rozpocet-statutarniho-mesta-brna-na-rok-2010/            20   http://www.brno-prorodiny.cz/dotace-na-projekty-v-oblasti-podpory-rodiny            21   http://rodina.data.quonia.cz/soubory_ke_stazeni/aktualizovana_pravidla_2011_-_podpora_           rodiny.doc            22   http://www.brno-prorodiny.cz/dotace-z-rozpoctu-statutarniho-mesta-brna","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – ChILdCare for Pre-sChooL ChILdren        89                situation is not new. It has been developing over the last few years, and it is not              unique to Brno, but rather relevant for the Czech Republic as a whole. Hence,              the ability of local politicians to change it, is limited. In this respect, on the local              level, the municipality made some efforts to raise the capacities of kindergarten              facilities and to support (at least on a basic level) the development of alternative              childcare  facilities  (e.g.  through  grants).  In  this  respect  it  is  nevertheless  also              necessary to point out that the efforts in Brno to raise kindergarten capacities              have been oriented first and foremost towards maintaining the status quo.                 At the same time, these efforts have been limited by a lack of national measures.              Currently, the municipalities have hardly any practicable alternative to establishing              kindergarten facilities (registered in the school register, which demand quite high              financial investments), which would allow them to flexibly expand their offer of              childcare services (the baby boom is expected to end by next year) and/or offer              more capacities for children under the age of 3. A basis for the establishment of              such alternative care services (operated by the municipality as well as by private              for-profit or non-profit organisations) is provided in the bill on childcare groups.              The proposed measures would bring about some important basic improvements              regarding  the  development  of  such  alternative  childcare  facilities  –  first  and              foremost  easing  the  establishment  of  alternative  childcare  facilities  based  on              at least basic standards of quality – and hence a certain support of reconciling              work and family life. The question remains when these changes will finally be              introduced. Moreover, it remains open to what extent they will work in practice              (especially with respect to the creation of alternative – commercial and non-              commercial – childcare facilities) as this is more or less left to private initiatives.              Especially for mothers with children under three, the situation will continue to              remain complicated for some time. Even if the bill were to pass the parliament              in 2014 and worked to promote the creation of alternative facilities, this will also              take some time. Furthermore, as for children under 3 the offer is more or less              completely dependent on alternative forms, it also remains unclear to what extent              these services will be financially accessible for lower income groups.                 Given the national ideal of care, which expects mothers to stay at home for at              least three years while caring for a child, and the institutionalisation of this ideal              in Brno outlined in this chapter, the question arises, how do women living in              Brno manage to reconcile paid work with their caring responsibilities, especially              those  women  who  did  in  fact  return  to  the  labour  market  before  their  child              turned three. That is, we were interested in the reconciling strategies of women,              who, in their decision to return to the labour market, go against the ideal of care              prevailing in the Czech Republic and the city of Brno. In Chapter 5 we will draw              on the results of two focus groups of employed women with pre-school aged              children living in Brno in which they discuss their reconciling strategies and their              related decision making.","90                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             ReFeRenCeS            Bulíř, M., 1990. Zařízení předškolní péče a výchovy v ČSR: retrospektiva let 1881–1988 a 1921–              1988 Praha: CSU.           ČSÚ, 2011. Podíly zaměstnanců, placený čas a hrubé měsíční mzdy podle vzdělání a              pohlaví 2010. (Share of employees, paid time and gross income according to education              and gender 2010). [on-line], available: http://www.czso.cz/csu/2011edicniplan.nsf/              t/95002DE2FA/$File/w310911A04.xls. Downloaded: 2011-10-29.           Hašková, H., Maříková, H. \& Uhde, Z., 2009. Leaves, Allowances, and Facilities: ChildcareLeaves, Allowances, and Facilities: Childcare              Past and Present. In H. Hašková \& Z. Uhde, eds. Women and Social Citizenship in Czech              Society: Continuity and Change. Prague: Institute of Sociology, Academy of Sciences of the              Czech Republic, pp. 77–134.77–134.           Kuchařová, V. (ed.), Bareš, P., Höhne, S., Nešporová, O., Svobodová, K., Šťastná, A., Plasová, B.              \& Žáčková, L., 2009. Zmapování dostupnosti a podmínek pobytu dětí v jeslích, mateřských              školách, školních družinách a obdobných zařízeních a jiných neinstitucionálních forem              péče o děti v ČR včetně identifikace překážek jejich využívání s návrhy možných opatření              k jejich rozvoji. (Mapping of the availability and conditions of nurseries, kindergartens              and similar facilities and of non-institutional care for children in the Czech Republic              and the identification of barriers to their use including suggestions for their further              development). Praha: VÚPSV.           MPSV, 2009. Národní koncepce podpory rodin s dětmi. (The national conception for              the support of families with children). [on-line], available: http://www.mpsv.cz/files/              clanky/7958/Narodni_koncepce_podpory_rodin_s_detmi.pdf. Downloaded: 2011-11-02.           MPSV, 2011. Financial support for families. [on-line], available: http://www.mpsv.cz/en/1607.              Downloaded: 2011-11-02.           MPSV, 2012. Rodičovský příspěvek (Parental leave allowance).[on-line], available: http://              www.mpsv.cz/cs/2. Downloaded: 2012-01-10.           Návrh Věcný záměr zákona o dětské skupině a chůvě a o změně souvisejících zákonů. (Proposal              of the act on child group and nanny). 2011. MPSV.           OŠMT, 2010. Rozvoj mateřského školství ve městě Brně do roku 2012 (The development              of kindergartens in the city of Brno till 2012). [on-line], available:  http://www.brno.cz/              fileadmin/user_upload/sprava_mesta/magistrat_mesta_brna/OSMT/dokumenty/Rozvoj_              MS_kveten_2010.pdf. Downloaded: 2011-10-29.           OŠMT, 2011. Obecní školství ve městě Brně a směry jeho vývoje do roku 2013 (Primary              education in the city of Brno and its trends till 2013). [on-line], available:  http://www.              brno.cz/fileadmin/user_upload/sprava_mesta/magistrat_mesta_brna/OSMT/dokumenty/              AKTUALIZACE_Obecni_skolstvi-_kveten_2011.pdf. Downloaded: 2011-10-29.           Pfau-Effinger, B., 2004. Historical paths of the male breadwinner family model – explanation              for cross-national differences. British Journal of Sociology, 55(3), pp. 377–399.           Poradní Sbor RMB pro rodinu / OZ MMB, 2008. Koncepce rodinné politiky města Brna              (Conception of the family policy of the city of Brno). [on-line], available: http://www.              brno.cz/fileadmin/user_upload/sprava_mesta/magistrat_mesta_brna/OSMT/politika.pdf.              Downloaded: 2011-10-29.           Saxonberg, S., 2011. Tensions in Family Policies in Post-Communist Central Europe.              In B. Pfau-Effinger \& T. Rostgaard, eds. Care between work and welfare in European              societies. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 52–78.           Saxonberg, S., 2014. Gendering Family Policies in Post-Communist Europe: A Historical-              Institutional Analysis. Basingstoke: Palgrave.           Saxonberg, S., Hašková, H. \& Mudrák, J., 2012. The Development of Czech Childcare Policies.              Praha: SLON.           Sirovátka, T. \& Saxonberg, S., 2006a. Failing Family Policy in Post-Communist CentralFailing Family Policy in Post-Communist Central              Europe. Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis, 8(2), pp. 189–206.","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – ChILdCare for Pre-sChooL ChILdren        91                Sirovátka, T. \& Saxonberg, S., 2006b. Seeking the Balance between Work and Family after\& Saxonberg, S., 2006b. Seeking the Balance between Work and Family afterSaxonberg, S., 2006b. Seeking the Balance between Work and Family after                 Communism. Marriage and Family Review, 39(3/4), pp. 287–313.              Svobodová, R., 2007. Péče o děti do tří let mimo rodinu: Situace v městě Brně (Care for                 children younger than 3 years outside of the family: the situation in the city of Brno).                 Institut postgraduálního vzdělávání ve zdravotnictví, Praha Škola veřejného zdravotnictví.                 [on-line], available: www.apra.ipvz.cz/download.asp?docid=253. Downloaded: 2011-10-29.              Štěpánková, M. \& Jaklová, H., 2006. Souhrnná zpráva s využitím výsledků komplexního                 průzkumu institucionální péče o děti a další závislé osoby a rešerší 08_2006 (Collected                 report of results of a complex research on institutional childcare and care for dependent                 persons 08_2006). [online], available: http://www.aperio.cz/download/EQUAL_MOPPS_                 Aperio_souhrnna%20zprava_08_06_.doc. Downloaded: 2011-10-29.                 other sources              Conducted Interviews (Brno, october 2011)               Interview No. 1   Head of the Office for City Strategy at the Brno municipality              Interview No. 2    Responsible for the creation of the city strategy and regional cooperation                             at the Brno municipality, associated with the office for City Strategy              Interview No. 3   Head of the Department for the Implementation of the ESF at the local                             Southern Moravian branch of the Labour Office              Interview No. 4   Head of the Pedagogical Organizational Department at the Division for                             Education, Youth and Sports at the Brno municipality              Interview No. 5   Responsible for requalification at the local Southern Moravian branch of                             the Labour Office              Interview No. 6   Chairperson of the Brno Deputy Mayor’s Advisory Board for Families              Interview No. 7   Head of the Department of Cooperation and Development at the                             Division of Social Care at the Brno municipality              Interview No. 8    Head of an elderly care facility              Interview No. 9   Head of the Division for Health at the Brno municipality              Interview No. 10  Chairperson of the social-democratic women              Interview No. 11  Responsible for families / family policy at the Division for Health at the                             Brno municipality              Interview No. 12  Head of the Centre for Specialized Children’s Health Services in Brno              Interview No. 13  Head of the Commission of the Brno City Council for Health and Social                             Issues, ODS","","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – eLder Care                               9                  ChapteR 4              the Local Welfare System – elder Care                   In this chapter, we examine the development of elder care policies and services in              Czechoslovakia under communist rule. We present the changes after 1989 as well              as the current situation in these areas, with a special focus on Brno. This chapter              also presents information on the coverage of elder care services in Brno and              discusses their quality, affordability, accessibility and financing. For this purpose,              we draw on available statistics and literature, on key policy documents as well as              on our interviews with pertinent Brno city administration representatives. This              chapter aims at providing an overview of current elder care policies and services              in Brno, as well as an evaluating of how they potentially influence women’s labour              market participation. Hence, we will introduce the context in which women living              in Brno who have an elderly dependent make decisions regarding their work and              caring responsibilities. This will be analysed in Chapter 6.                 4.1   historical Background – the Development of elder Care policies                    and Services in Czechoslovakia under Communist Rule               Contrary to child care services and policies under communist rule, which during              the  last  decade  have  been  studied  in  great  detail  (cf.  Chapter  3),  comparable              literature on elder care services and policies is rather scarce, both in international              comparative  research  as  well  as  in  local  Czech  publications.  Therefore,  the              first  part  of  this  chapter  will  be  not  as  comprehensive  as  in  the  chapter  on              childcare. Nevertheless, we will provide a rough sketch of the most important              trends and changes in relation to elder care during the communist regime in              Czechoslovakia.                 Similar to the case of policies and services for pre-school children, the design              of elder care policies and services also changed during the communist regime.              Using Leitner’s typology of familialism, Maříková and Plasová (2012) focus on              continuities and changes in this policy area in Czechoslovakia between 1948 and              1989 as well as on related post-socialist developments in the Czech Republic. As              they argue, the assumed role of the family in elder care policies changed over              the  decades  of  communist  rule  and  developed  from  certain  de-familializing              tendencies in the 1950s, via a return to the family in the 1960s towards an explicit              familialism in the 1970s and 1980s and finally to an implicit familialism in the              post-socialist area (Maříková and Plasová 2012).                 The  authors  support  their  argument  by  an  analysis  of  key  legal  changes              during the given time period as well as with data on the potential coverage of the              population of 65+ and 80+ in residential elder care facilities: Though the statistical","9                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             data are available only from 1959 on, based on the general political atmosphere in           the 1950s this first period of the development in elder care policies and services           can be characterized as supporting institutional residential care for the elderly.           The goal in this phase was to overcome the “traditional” family and to free it           – or rather, women in it – from their care responsibilities to enable their labour           market participation. Additionally, the support of residential elder care facilities,           targeted first and foremost at lone elderly, promised to contribute to the solution           of the housing problem prevailing at that time. As a result of these trends, at the           beginning of the 1960s the statistical data show the highest potential coverage           (over 20%) of available residential care in the population 80+. The availability of           home care service, on the contrary, was at that time at its lowest level. The offer           of the latter started growing only at the end of the 1960s (Maříková and Plasová           2012). As outlined by Maříková and Plasová (2012), this went hand in hand with           an increased focus on the role family members and other close persons played           in elderly care. According to a 1964 regulation the use of home care services was           available only to those elderly people who were not cared for by a family member           or other close person (most importantly neighbours). This explains how elder           care responsibilities were gradually moved back into the purview of the family.           The next important change toward an explicit familialism of elder care took place           in February 1976 with the introduction of a repetitive optional benefit (without           a specific name). This benefit reacted to the then common situation in which           a person cared for a close dependent (predominantly elderly) family member           and due to these care responsibilities could not hold gainful employment. The           amount of the benefit was bound to a kind of subsistence minimum and paid the           difference between this subsistence minimum and the income of the dependent           elderly and his/her carer (Maříková and Plasová 2012; Niederle 1996). However,           because this benefit was optional, it is not clear to whom it was actually granted           and based on what criteria.              In addition to the partial compensation for the loss of income, in 1975 the time           spent caring for a close family member started being acknowledged as working           time for the calculations of the pension of the care giver. In subsequent years only           minor changes were made, mostly related to the definition of the group of close           persons who could be cared for. In 1984, a basic change related to calculating the           benefit was enacted – the benefit was then related to the pension of the person           in need of care and could be granted up to the amount of this pension (however           pension and benefit together were limited to a maximum amount). Finally, in           1988, the benefit was named “benefit for the care of a close person”. The group           of persons who could be cared for was further broadened and the benefit was           adapted to the number of persons cared for (Maříková and Plasová 2012; Niederle           1996). These were the last changes to the benefit before the end of the communist           regime.              The mid-70s saw a decrease in potential residential care coverage for the 80+           population as the “benefit for the care for a close person” widened. By the end of           the 1980s, coverage for this group reached a level of approx. 12% (Maříková and           Plasová 2012). During this same period, the availability of home care services","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – eLder Care                               9                gradually  increased  and  finally  reached  a  level  of  approx.  30%  for  the  same              population.                 Despite  some  coverage  in  residential  elder  care  services  (especially  in  the              1960s and the first half of the 1970s) for the population over 80, there remained              few options for care givers to make alternate arrangements. This was especially              constrained by the limited capacities of home care services and the low quality              of residential care services. Hence, the system for elder care in communist ruled              Czechoslovakia  could  be  characterized  as  balancing  between  an  explicit  and              implicit familialism (cf. Maříková and Plasová 2012).                 What  remains  to  be  emphasised  is  the  fact  that  the  care  work  within  the              described policy and service context was strongly gendered, that is, it was never              questioned that care work is women’s work. Systemically, this was supported by              the fact that the compensation for informal care work for a close family member              (in the form of the “benefit for the care for a close person” mentioned above),              did not fully compensate for the loss of income. As women tended to have lower              incomes, the compensation for the care work did not motivate men to become              involved in care work on a full-time basis (Janoušková and Saxonberg 2011)                4.2   the Czech Republic and Brno after 1989                 policy framework               After  the  fall  of  the  communist  regime,  the  familializing  trends  of  elder  care              policies and services continued and the family’s responsibility in caring for its              frail elderly members was further reinforced. The general discussions on the basic              principles of elderly care as related to the political changes, led to a consensus that              the provision of quality elder care services which would allow a person to age              with dignity should be based on the following principles: deinstitutionalization,              decentralization,  and  a  certain  professionalization  of  the  services  offered;  a              pluralisation of service providers as well as a greater autonomy of the elderly in              choosing how they are cared for and who cares for them (Maříková and Plasová              2012) was also emphasised.                 These principles are further outlined in two policy documents which form the              current policy framework for the provision of elder care in the Czech Republic.              The title of the document, “Conception for the support of the transformation of              institutional social services into other types of social services, provided in the              natural community of the user and supporting the user’s social integration in the              society” (MPSV 2007), is the outline of the central idea which guides the current              developments in the provision of elder care in the Czech Republic.                 The document focuses on the “deinstitutionalization” of the system of social              services, which in the Czech context is defined as the transformation towards the              provision of social services focused on the individual support of the person’s life              in his/her “natural environment”, meaning within the family. As the main legal","9                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             regulation for achieving this goal, the document presents social services act No.           108/2006 Coll., which came into force on January 1 , 2007. The main goal of this                                                       st           law is that social services should be used only by those persons who really need           them, to the extent to which they need them, and according to quality norms           that comply with international trends and the latest scientific findings. That is,           the main trend in the provision of social services is the transformation of the           system, which was mainly based on an either/or choice in relation to institutional           care, into a system which allows for an individual mixture of professional care           and informal care, with various levels of support, preferably in the family context           (MPSV 2007). Thus, in this key policy paper, institutional, residential elder care           is seen as a kind of last resort for cases in which a frail elderly person has almost           fully lost his or her self-sufficiency and hence cannot be cared for in the family           environment (cf. also MPSV 2008).              Though the above mentioned document outlines various groups of stakeholders           who  are  influenced  by  the  changes,  it  does  not  mention  women  as  the  main           potential providers of informal care in the family environment. Nor does it deal           with the issues of reconciling work and caring responsibilities for these women.           This topic is discussed in the National Programme for the Preparation for Ageing           2008–2012 (MPSV 2008). In this document, the family, partners and children are           seen as the main providers of care. In this regard, one of the principles outlined           in this document is a „gendered approach“. Based on this approach, the fact that           (according to this document), approximately two thirds of informal care givers           (in the family) are women, is acknowledged and thematized – for example with           respect  to  the  problematic  of  reconciling  work  and  caring  responsibilities  for           these women. At the same time however – as also pointed out by Maříková and           Plasová (2012) – this fact is not related to measures which aim at changing this           situation towards greater gender equality, e.g. by actively supporting a greater           involvement of men in the informal care work. Hence, though women’s greater           share in care work within the family is acknowledged, it is to a certain extent also           taken for granted.            Care Benefit – Informal Care            One of the main measures used to achieve the goals outlined in the strategic           documents presented above was the introduction of the care benefit as part of           the act on social services which came into force in 2007. This benefit allows users           – that is the elderly in need of care – to choose the services which they need and,           at the same time, allows them to be integrated in their “natural environment”           (MPSV 2007). Both social services and the care benefit are provided to all Czech           citizens (and others, such as foreigners, asylum seekers, etc. according to a special           law),  independent  of  their  participation  in  the  social  insurance  system.  The           provision of social services and care benefits depends on the individual needs of           the particular disabled and/or elderly person (§ 2).              The benefit is paid directly to senior citizens and the chronically ill and allows           them to decide whether they will use the benefit to pay for informal home care or           to pay for professional social services. The benefit is available to those older than","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – eLder Care                               9                one year who are dependent on the help of others and whose care needs are likely              to last longer than one year. The amount of the benefit is based on the “dependence              level” of the potential beneficiary, which is evaluated by a social worker (from the              municipality) and a doctor (GP or a specialist). Their judgement of a person’s              health  and  self-sufficiency  is  based  on  the  testing  of  36 activities  which  are              outlined in the social service act. The unmanageable activities are counted up              and one of four dependence levels is assigned, thus determining the amount of              the benefit. The four dependence levels are as follows: I. low (with a care benefit              of CZK 800 / EUR 32), II. moderately grave (with a care benefit of CZK 4000 /              EUR 160), III. grave (with a care benefit of CZK 8000 / EUR 320) and IV. total              dependence (with a care benefit of CZK 12 000 / EUR 480) . The beneficiary must                                                                1              use the benefit to pay for care (informal or formal) and a public inspector checks              to see how the benefit is used (Rážová 2006: 9–11).                 According to a representative survey from 2006, 24% of Czech families care for              an elderly family member or have former experiences with such care. 28% expect              that in the coming 5–10 years they will have to arrange care for a senior family              member. 60% of the respondents, by contrast, indicated that they neither have              experience with care nor do expect it in the future. Hence 40% of the surveyed              Czech families have been or are somehow concerned with care responsibilities              for an elderly family member. About 80% of the respondents indicated that they              are willing to arrange and provide care in the family environment (Jeřábek et              al. 2013: 34; 59–60). This willingness to provide informal care is confirmed by              data on the provision of the care benefit. Table 4.1 presents the available data              for  the  national  level  as  of  July  1st,  2010  on  whether  care  is  provided  on  an              informal or formal basis. According to the presented data, exclusively informal              care clearly prevails for all grades of dependence, which in another approx. 10%              of cases is supplemented by professional care services. With the exception of total              dependency, in all the categories, informal together with combined care even              exceeds 80%, and also for the category of total dependency, the share is still more              than two thirds.                                                                 st              table 4.1 Share of Care Allowance Beneficiaries as of July 1 , 2010 According to the              Grade of their Dependence                                                           1      2            4               Care is provided only by a relative or close person (informal care)  8%  4%  1%  6%               Care is provided only by a registered care residence  19%  1%  18%  1%               Care is provided only by a registered field or non-resident care   11%  11%  11%  11%               service               Combined form of care                      12%    10%    10%    12%               Total number of beneficiaries             112 000  8 000  9 000  6 000              Source: Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs                    1   The indicated benefits refer to the care benefit for persons over 18 years.","9                                            Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?                The Ministry of Labour and social affairs does not, however, collect gender           disaggregated statistics on the persons who provide informal care (information           provided by the section for statistics at the Ministry of Labour and Social affairs).           Nevertheless, according to the Generations and Gender Survey 2005, in the Czech           Republic 66% of informal long-term carers were women, while only 34% were           men (Svobodová 2006). Hence the provision of informal care is clearly gendered.           In this regard, paying the care benefit directly to the senior citizen or chronically           ill bears potential problems, as this person might keep the money for him/herself           and then expect a (female) family member to care for him/her for free, in line with           traditional gender roles. At the same time, the adult woman might feel pressure to           take care of a family member without compensation.              In relation to the presented data, it is further interesting to note, that according           to earlier surveys related to this topic, the large majority of informal carers continue           with gainful employment. The representative survey from 2006 mentioned above,           again provides quite detailed data on this point: 27% of those who were providing           care at the time of the survey and 15% of those, who had earlier experiences with           care, gave up their employment. As the survey further shows, this decision was           related to the type of care provided. While only approximately 10% of those, who           provided supportive care gave up their employment, more than one third (35%)           of the informal carers providing indispensable care gave up their jobs (Jeřábek et           al. 2013: 100–101). The findings of Veselá (2002: 7) furthermore suggest that the           decision to give up one’s job to provide informal care is not a matter of course:           the need to give up their employment would be a reason for an institutional care           arrangement for approximately 66% of daughters and 77% of sons. The results           presented by Jeřábek et al. (2013: 100–101) also show the clear impact of informal           care on the spare time informal carers have available: around 51% gave up their           hobbies and their holidays and approx. 60% gave up spending time for themselves           and relaxing.              Hence, the available data clearly suggests that informal care is provided mainly           by women in combination with gainful employment. Reconciling employment           with the informal care arrangement is achieved by cutting back free time and           time for relaxation. In Chapter 6 we will discuss in more detail the strategies           of  informal  carers  for  reconciling  work  and  care  and  how  they  perceive  and           experience the effects of informal care on their life.              Nevertheless, there is still a considerable portion of informal carers, who, in           order to provide care, gave up their employment. As noted before, even though           the policies encouraging family care for the elderly are officially gender neutral,           when families decide who will stay at home to provide care for frail elder family           members they usually take into consideration the fact that women often have           lower incomes than men (the Czech Republic has a traditionally high gender pay           gap of approx. 25% – cf. Chapter 2), since the care benefits are too low to replace           much of the income loss that the family would suffer if the (usually) higher-paid           man stayed at home to care for the family member. Moreover, the lifespan of men           is shorter than women and men often marry younger women. Thus wives more           often find themselves having to care for their ill husbands when their husbands           retire (Rubášová 2005). These factors strongly suggest that in the group of informal","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – eLder Care                               99                carers who leave the labour market, women are even more overrepresented than              in the group of informal carers who reconcile care with gainful employment.              Moreover, the study results presented by Veselá (2002) cited above, suggest that              daughters, in comparison to sons, are more willing to leave their employment              to provide care. This brings up a number of questions about the circumstances              under which these women provide care – e.g. what role early retirement plays as              a strategy for arranging for informal care and what implications has this for the              female informal carers. To what extent is the women’s exit from the labour market                                              2              a result of the lack of part time jobs?  While examining these questions is central              to further the understanding of the situation of female informal carers in general,              the main research focus of the FLOWS project and hence this publication, is rather              the problem of reconciling gainful employment and caring responsibilities.               the provision of elder care services in the Czech Republic and Brno               The Social Service Act (No. 108/2006) defines specific types of social services. This              definition of social services for the elderly applies to all social service providers              in the Czech Republic. Home care (§ 40) includes not only physical care (e. g.              assistance in self-care and hygiene) but also “assistance in running the household”              and “mediating contacts with the social environment”. Day-care centres for the              elderly (§ 45) provide “social therapeutic activities” and “assistance with asserting              rights,  justified  interests  and  dealing  with  personal  matters”.  Senior  houses  (§              49) not only provide physical care but also “mediating contacts with the social              environment”, “social  therapeutic  activities”, “social  activation”  and “assistance              with asserting rights, justified interests and dealing with personal matters”.                 Within this national legal framework, the actual provision of these services is              organized on the regional and local level. In this regard, a key point concerning              the  relationship  between  the  local  and  the  national  welfare  system  is  the              distribution of responsibilities between the central and the local level. The degree              of autonomy on the local level depends on the degree of decentralization. In this              regard, two major forms of decentralization can be observed (cf. Mosley 2003):              administrative and political decentralization. The described care benefit is related              to administrative decentralization, which means that national policy objectives              are delegated to bureaucratic managers in local offices. The state delegates the              administration  of  the  care  benefit  (payments,  needs  assessment,  etc.)  to  local              labour offices (within the agenda of MPSV). The provision of social services by              contrast is related to political decentralization. Political decentralization refers              to  the  delegation  of  responsibilities  to  local  political  subjects  with  their  own              resources.  The  Brno  municipality  supports  social  services  providers  (NGOs              and  churches)  with  financial  grants  from  its  own  budget.  Furthermore,  the              municipality itself can serves as a provider of social services. In the case of Brno,              this provision of care services focuses especially on institutional and home care              (as will be outlined in more detail below). Additionally, the municipality also              organizes the assessment of local service needs through the community planning                  2   We would like to thank our reviewer for raising these questions.","100                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             of social services. Thus, local community plans are the main strategic documents           for the provision of social services to the elderly. Finally, the registration of social           services and inspection of quality is in the agenda of the regions. Hence, in the           provision and control of elder care services, all administrative levels are involved           to different extents. While the definition and legal framework of social services           and their provision is regulated nationally, the registration and control is done by           the regions and finally the assessment of needs for social services, their planning           and financing on both the regional and/or the local level.              As a tool for the latter, the social service act defines a “Plan for social service           development” (community plan). It is obligatory for regions and voluntary for           municipalities  and  has  been  outlined  by  the  National Action  Plan  for  Social           Inclusion 2006–2008 as a tool for the “Support of social service decision making           processes on the local and regional level and the development of partnerships in           social inclusion policy” (MPSV 2006: 19). Although the plan is voluntary, the City           of Brno has been implementing it since 2005 (building on earlier experiences with           community planning). These plans play a very important role in the distribution           of  financial  grants  because  the  financing  of  services  (by  non-governmental           providers) and the distribution of European funds for this purpose are tied to           these plans and their priorities (Interview No. 8). At the same time, the community           planning process involves social service users, providers and municipal officials           and allows all these groups of stakeholders to express their needs and interests as           well as to comment on and negotiate the local social service priorities (Interview           No. 7; KPSS 2007). Currently, the “Community Plan of Social Services of the Brno           Municipality 2010–2013” (KPSS 2009) is the main local strategic document for           the provision of elder care services in Brno.            Welfare Mix in Brno            Providers of social services may be legal subjects (e.g. NGOs, churches), persons or           municipalities, regions and ministries. The following table provides an overview           of the types and numbers of social services provided in Brno by different service           providers and outlines the local welfare mix in elder care services. Additionally,           two  private  facilities  with  low  capacity  (each  about  20  beds)  exist  in  Brno           (Interview No. 7).             table 4.2 Structure of Social Services for Elderly in Brno (2011)                                 Municipality     NGOs         Churches    Total            Type of social services                                abs.    %      abs.    %     abs.    %     abs.            Home care            6      4           6            21     14            Elderly homes        9      60                 1      1     1            Special regime homes       1      2     29      0      10     1            Day care centres           1      1     14      1      14     1            Centres of respite care    6                 1      11     19           Source: Zpráva 2012","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – eLder Care                              101                   In terms of capacity, the city of Brno is the most important provider of social              services on the local level. It provides not only the large majority of residential              care  services  (9  elderly  homes,  including  both  services  of  elderly  homes  and                                 3              special regime homes ), but is also the main provider of home care services (95%              of the capacity of home care services). NGOs run one third of elderly homes,              special regime homes and centres for respite care in Brno. Churches, finally, play              a role especially in the area of home care and elderly homes.                table 4.3 Capacity  of Social Services in Brno in 2011 According to Different Types of                              4              Providers                                    Home care       Elderly homes     Special homes               Type of provider                                 abs.      %       abs.      %       abs.     %               NGOs              1 2    11      1 19    11      14      11               Municipality       409    19      1 280    184      622      19               Churches          1 1    112      1 14    11      110      110               Total capacity    7 819    100      1 516    100      669      100              Source: Zpráva 2012                  Based on the presented numbers, we can conclude that in the area of elder              care in Brno, municipal providers play the most important role in residential and              home care. NGOs and churches supplement the elder care with residential care              and home care.                 In order to evaluate these numbers in more detail, we will take a closer look at              the extent to which these capacities cover the need for such services in Brno. In              this regard, it is however hard to define who is in (potential) need of these services.              In 2006, an expert group investigated the conditions of the elderly in Brno for the              purpose of community planning of social services. The report written by Kateřina              Kubalčíková provides a definition of elderly in Brno which forms the basis for              the community planning of social services in the coming years. According to              this  definition,  the  elderly  are  defined  as “seniors  permanently  dependent  on              the assistance of another person due to the lack of their functional potential”              (Kubalčíková 2006: 7). Hence, it is not possible to simply characterize this group              of people based on age. Yet, the register of social services distinguishes two age              groups: young seniors 65–80 years and older seniors 80+ years (Registr 2012).              Social service providers also have to decide who they will provide their services              to (at registration). In Brno all ambulatory, field and institutional care services are              available to users over 65 years (PSP 2012a). Based on these considerations and              taking into account the data provided by Maříková and Plasová (2012), in the                 3   One social service provider can provide more than one type of social service in one facility. Very              often elderly homes and special regime homes are provided together in one place.                4   The numbers presented in this table are taken from the annual report on social services provided              in Brno (Zpráva 2012). However the data presented in this report are only of limited comparability,              as the report presents the number of actual users for the municipality funded services and the              capacities for the services provided by non-public providers (churches and NGOs). Despite these              limitations, we decided to use these data for analysis as no alternative is available.","102                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             following, we will calculate the potential coverage of the population of 65+ and           80+ in residential elder care facilities. For this purpose, the table below (Population           in senior age at the local, regional and national level) gives an overview of the           population in potential need of the described services living in Brno.            table 4.4 Population by Senior Age at the Local, Regional and National Level 2010             Population (1 December 2010)  Brno   South Moravian Region  Czech Republic            Total                       1,1        1,14,64      10,2,0            Population 6+              166,299        1,186,690      11,6,826            Women 6+                   19,90        1, 112,66      1, ,9,60            Men 6+                     126,92        1, 14,02      1, ,68,221            % of 6+ in the whole population  1.8     116.1         1, 1.            Population 80+              11,22        1, 146,1      1, ,86,12            Women 80+                   111,01        1, 11,8      1, ,26,816            Men 80+                     11,621        1, 114,262      1, 122,696            % of 80+ in the whole population  14.66     14.0            1, .6           Source: ČSÚ 2012b, 2012a, 2013a, 2013b               As  the  table  above  shows,  the  elderly  in  Brno  comprise  a  larger  part  of           the population than on the regional and national average. In 2010, there were           66,299 people over 65 who represented almost 18% of the total population. This           trend will continue over the next few years and experts predict that the share           of elderly in the population will reach almost 30% (KPSS 2009). This potential           increase in the demand for/need of elder care services in Brno might lead to a           limited availability of these services. This problem is specifically important in           Brno, as the share of 65+ and 80+ in the Brno population is clearly above the           average.              In 2011, the capacity of institutional elder care beds numbered 2,185 in Brno.           That year, 7,819 people used home based elderly services (Zpráva 2012). Departing           from these numbers in Brno, 11.8% of the population older than 65 years used           home  care  services  and  3.3%  of  the  population  in  the  same  age  group  used           institutional care (elderly homes and special homes) in 2011. For the population           80+ the shares are 45.1% (home care services) and 12.6% (institutional care).           Compared to the numbers provided by Maříková and Plasová (2012) for the           Czech Republic in general – that is, around 10% (80+) and approx. 2.5% (65+)           for institutional care as well as around 30% (80+) and approx. 8% (65+) for home           care – the potential coverage by elder care services in Brno is much higher. This           is also related to the fact that Brno as a regional centre (as the capital of the South           Moravian Region) offers elder care capacities not only for the city’s own citizens,           but also to the elderly living in the region.","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – eLder Care                              10                4.3   Quality, affordability, accessibility of elder Care Services in Brno                 Quality of social services               The most basic quality criterion for the provision of social services in general,              which also applies to elder care services, is their registration, as outlined in the              Social service act, and consequently their authorization. Each provider registers              for a particular type of service. The associated registers of social service providers              are administered by the regional administration, according to the provider’s place              of service provision (PSP 2012b) – the elder care services provided in Brno have              to be registered with the administration of the South Moravian Region.                 Qualification  requirements  for  the  staff  providing  services  also  help  to              guarantee certain quality standards. Social services are provided by social workers,              and those social service workers need to have special qualifications which they              must update regularly, through life-long learning courses. The basic educational              requirement for social workers is a bachelor’s degree (after 3 years of study) in the              subject of social work or social policy. Alternatively, the educational requirements              for social service workers are met if they have a general certificate of secondary              education in combination with a requalification course on social work accredited              by the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs. This course must contain at least              150 lessons and include theoretical and practical components (§ 37 of the Decree              No. 505/2006 Coll., Implementing provisions of the Act No. 108/2006 Coll. Social              Services, as amended).                 In addition to the registration of social services and the required qualification              for  professional  carers,  the  Annex  2  to  the  Decree  No.  505/2006  Coll.,  on              Implementing  the  Provisions  of  the  Social  Service Act,  outlines  another  tool              for quality control by defining three main categories of standards: procedural,              personnel  and  operational.  Based  on  these  criteria,  every  provider  establishes              standards in accordance with their particular type of service. These standards              are monitored by the inspection of social services on the part of the Regions and              the MPSV. The inspections focus on the conditions as well as the quality of social              service provided (PSP 2012c). Since the introduction of the Social service Act in              2007, these standards are binding (previously, they were only recommended by              the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs).                 In this respect, it is still interesting to note that there are no laws regulating the              staff-resident ratio in institutional care. According to the main national strategic              document  (MPSV  2007:  9),  the  staff-resident  ration  amounts  on  average  to              1:1.5 which includes not only professional carers but also other (administrative,              service)  workers,  and  hence  is  not  relevant  for  evaluating  the  quality  of  the              provided care.               affordability of elder care services               The fees for social services and elder care services are regulated according to the              Social Service Act. Some types of social services are provided for free (primarily","10                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             consultations and day-care centres). However most of the elder care services are           institutional or field services for which the elderly must pay. Elderly (and disabled)           people may apply for the care benefit which they can use for financing informal           or formal care. Decree No. 505/2006 Coll. (on Implementing the Provisions of the           Act No. 108/2006 Coll. Social Services) specifies the maximum price for an hour           of home care at CZK 100 (4 EUR) and the price of one day/month of institutional           care at CZK 330/9,900 (13/396 EUR). In Brno, there are 14 professional agencies           that provide home care. The price of an hour of care ranges from CZK 70 to 150                      5           (2.8–6 EUR) . Municipal care agencies offer lower prices than NGOs or churches.           Some agencies have higher prices for care provided at weekends (which exceed           the legal price limit). The most common price for one hour of care amounts to           CZK 100 (PSP 2012a).              Based on these numbers, we can now calculate how many hours of home care           services are affordable for dependent elderly who receive the care benefit (which           is also a prerequisite for the entitlement to certain social services) in relation to           the four dependency levels :                                  6                I.  low (with a care benefit of CZK 800 / EUR 32): two hours of home service                   a week               II.  moderately grave (with a care benefit of CZK 4,000 / EUR 160): 10 hours                   of home service a week              III.  grave (with a care benefit of CZK 8,000 / EUR 320): 20 hours of home                   service a week              IV.  total dependence (with a care benefit of CZK 12,000 / EUR 480): 30 hours                   of home service a week              Depending  on  the  individual  case  and  situation  of  the  dependent  elderly,           these home care services potentially contribute to a better reconciling of care           responsibilities  and  gainful  employment.  The  question,  however,  is  whether           – especially in the cases of grave and total dependence – the available hours of           home care allow the main carer in the family (in the majority of cases a woman)           to combine their care responsibilities with full-time gainful employment. In this           regard, the fact that part-time work is not very widespread in the Czech Republic           (cf. chapter 1) can further complicate successful reconciling.              Institutional, residential elder care includes two types of care facilities: elderly           homes and special homes . In Brno, there are 17 elderly homes which are operated                                 7           by the city districts (10 of them), by NGOs (5) and churches (2). Two special           homes are provided by NGOs and five by municipalities. The maximum amount           for the provision of services in elderly and special homes is regulated by law and           set at a maximum of 140 CZK/day for meals and 160 CZK/day for the stay in           the facility, that is all in all 300 CZK/day and approx. 9,000 CZK/month. Elderly           homes in Brno offer social services for monthly prices between CZK 6,720–9,870              5   Prices greater than 100 CZK (4 EUR) are paid mostly at weekends, at holidays and at other times           that are unusual working times.            6   The indicated benefits refer to the care benefit for persons over 18 years.            7   Special regime homes (according to the Social service act, § 50) are homes for elderly (or younger)           people with specific needs, most often for people with Alzheimer�s disease.","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – eLder Care                              10                (268–395 EUR). Special homes in Brno offer similar prices as elderly homes: CZK              6,750–9,120 (270–365 EUR) (PSP 2012a).                 These fees have to be paid by the elderly, however they also have the right to              apply for the care benefit, which – according to the level of dependency – they              can use to buy certain additional care services. Compared to the average old-age              pensions of pensioners in the South Moravian region in 2010, which amounted              to 10,003 CZK (400 EUR) and was slightly lower than the average pensions in              the Czech Republic (10,123 CZK / 405 EUR) (ČSÚ 2011), the fees range from              67% – 98% (for elderly homes) and 67% – 91% (for special homes) of the average              old-age pensions. In this respect, it is further important to note, the  law also              regulates the use of the old-age pensions for paying for a stay in a special or              elderly home: 15% of the old age pension should be left to the elderly for his/              her own needs. Differences between the fee charged by the elderly or special              home and the elderly’s old-age pension available for paying it are either financed              through subsidiaries by the MPSV or by the care facility. However at the same              time, the social service provider is allowed by law to ask for the payment of part              of these costs from those persons who are obliged to provide for the persons’              subsistence (that is, parents, children, husbands, wives).               accessibility of elder care services               The person with care needs usually has to apply for a social service. Part of the              application  is  a  medical  statement  (degree  of  sickness)  including  diagnosis,              medical history, etc. (MPSV 2012a). As outlined before, home care, senior houses              and day care centres for the elderly are services for which users have to pay a part              of the costs. The fees can be covered by the care benefit. The confirmation of the              entitlement to receive the care benefit (or at least an application for the benefit)              is a part of the application for the social service. The described conditions of              application also apply for home based services and for institutional care.                 The key issue related to the accessibility of elder care is the capacity of these              social services. As discussed in the previous section on the welfare mix of elder              care services in Brno, the potential coverage of residential elder care services in              both age groups (65+ and 80+) is significantly higher than on national average.              However, these capacities are not only provided to the elderly living in Brno.              This is underscored by the fact that institutional care is characterized by high              numbers of unsuccessful applicants. The only data available in this respect are              for  the  regional  level,  that  is,  for  the  South  Moravian  Region.  In  2011,  9,763              applications for institutional care in elderly homes in the South Moravian region              were rejected whereas 2,964 used elderly homes that year (MPSV 2012b, cf. table              4.5).  Hence,  based  on  these  numbers,  the  demand  for  institutional  elder  care              services exceeds the offered capacities by more than three times. However, these              data are biased by the fact that people know the problem of insufficient capacities              and submit applications in advance, often at a time when they do not yet need a              place. According to experiences of social service providers, the waiting times for              a place in an elder care facility are about 2 years (Domov 2012).","10                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             table 4.5 Unsuccessful Applications in Residential care in the South Moravian Region in           2011                                          Elderly homes        Special regime homes            Number of users                 2,964                  2,008            Unsuccessful applications       9,6                  ,466           Source: MPSV 2012b               Opening times are different for ambulatory, field and institutional care. Home           care and ambulatory social services (e. g. day care centres) for the elderly are           commonly provided on working days from 8 a.m. to 4 p.m. (in certain cases           until 5 or 7 p.m.). Homecare is also provided at weekends by 86% of providers.           Some providers, however, offer only the delivery of prepared meals at weekends.           The institutional services provide non-stop care for elderly users (KPSS 2009).           The  opening  hours  are  partly  regulated  by  the  Decree  No.  505/2006  Coll.  on           Implementing the Provisions of Act No. 108/2006 Coll. on Social Services. Every           provider specifies opening times according to the needs of users and according to           the capacity of the social service during the process of social service registration.           The regional authority considers whether the opening times (and capacity, etc.)           are sufficient for the given type of social services (e. g. elderly homes, home care,           etc.) and decides about the registration of the particular social service. There is no           regulation related to the number of hours that can be provided to one user on one           day. Hence, the main potential limitation to the use of these services is the ability           of the person-in-need to pay for a specific number of care hours.              We do not have detailed local data available on home care services. According           to the data provided by Maříková and Plasová (2012) for the Czech Republic, the           number of clients per carer providing home care services tripled between 1990           and 2006. Thus despite the good accessibility of these services, this trend might           mean a worsening in the quality of provided services.            public spending on elder care services in Brno            Social services for the elderly are most heavily funded by the municipality. In the           last five years, between 47% and 63% of all financial subsidies for social services           were used for elder care. The following table gives an overview of the financial           subsidies (grants) to non-public providers over the last four years. About one third           of these subsidies are targeted at institutional care. As mentioned above, non-           public providers offer first and foremost non-institutional elder care services.            table 4.6 Municipal Subsidies for Elder Care Provided by NGOs and Churches (Registered           Social Services)                        200        2008         2009        2010         2011            CZK      22,029,000   22,6,000  28,220,000  2,40,000   2,90,000            EUR      22,9,49  22, 904,699  21,06,120  21,084,618   21,10,18           Source: Division of Social Affairs at the Brno municipality","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – eLder Care                              10                   Public social services provided by municipalities are financed by the Brno              City budget. Data from 2010 are available from the Report on the activities of the              statutory city of Brno in the year 2010 (Magistrát 2011) and are summarized in              the following table.               table 4.7 Operating Expenditures Funded from the City Budget in 2010                                           Home care     Elderly homes and special regime homes               CZK                        9,016,000             29,109,000               EUR                        ,124,9             210,24,12              Source: Magistrát 2011                  Based  on  these  basic  data,  we  can  now  calculate  and  compare  some  key              figures related to the presented expenditures. In this respect we will focus on the              expenditures by inhabitant, by elderly 65+ as well as by elderly 80+ (as of December              31 , 2010) and compare the financing of elder services in general (all providers),                 st              of elder care services provided by the municipality as well as municipality home              care services vs. residential services – as outlined in Table 4.8                table 4.8 Elder Care Expenditures in Brno by Inhabitant, Elderly 6+ and Elderly 80+                    8              (in CZK )                              Municipality   Municipality spending   Municipality   Municipality funded                             spending for all   for services provided   funded home   residential care                             service providers  by the municipality  care services  services                per inhabitant  6,984        19,910         1,212        1,698                per elderly 6+  2,14       1,100         1,192        1,908                per elderly 80+  21,104       19,20         4,62        14,98                per client      6,40 9      6,1 10     10,66 11    16,20 12              Source: Authors’ calculations                  The most striking result of these calculations is the ratio of municipally funded              home care to residential care services, which is interesting especially in regard to              the aims outlined in the Social Security act. More than three quarters (77%) of the              municipality’s funding of elder care services is related to residential care services.              The ratio raises the question of whether the goal of de-institutionalization of care                8   The average exchange rate in 2010 was 25.29 CZK per 1 EUR.                9   Municipal spending for all service providers (including grants) 365,555,000 CZK divided by the              total number of clients using elderly services by all providers.                10   Municipal spending for services provided by the municipality, that is, home and residential              services 338,125,000 CZK divided by the total number of clients using municipality services (home              and residential care).                11   Municipal spending for home care services 79,016,000 CZK divided by the number of clients              using home care services.                12   Municipal spending for residential care services 259,109,000 CZK divided by the number of              clients using residential care services.","10                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             services outlined in the Social Service Act has been successfully implemented in           Brno. Especially if this point is related to the fact that the waiting times for a place           in an elder care facility are rather long.              Municipal subsidies are, however, only one source of financing of social services           in Brno. All social service providers ask the MPSV for state subsidies. Non-public           providers (NGOs and churches) ask for grants from various foundations, private           donators, European grants, etc. to be able to meet social services demands in           terms of quality and capacity.              4.4   Conclusions – elder Care Services in Brno           The major issues which importantly characterize the current overall elder care           situation in Brno are of whether the care benefit works as it should and what           impact this has on informal (predominantly female) carers, as well as the problem           of capacity in institutional elder care facilities. As far as the former is concerned,           the information presented in this chapter, rather suggests that even though the           care benefit seems to allow the elderly to buy care services, it remains unclear to           what extent this benefit supports the informal carers’ reconciling of care work           with gainful employment. In this respect, the central question is, whether this           benefit is high enough to allow access to professional home care services to the           extent that the informal carer is able to maintain full time employment, especially           in cases of grave or total dependence. This is especially important as the level of           the care benefit for this dependence level only partly compensates for the loss of           income if the informal carer has to reduce working hours or even quit his/her job.           The relevant policy documents, however, rather ignore this central point. Though           the current policy framework partially recognizes the informal carers’ problem of           reconciling of work and care, it does not propose measures which would support           a greater gender equality (that is a stronger engagement of men in informal care           work). Rather, women’s greater share in informal care work is taken for granted.           Hence, the problem of reconciling their care work with (full-time) labour market           participation essentially remains a private issue.              At the same time, the predominantly female informal carers have only a very           limited range of alternatives to informal care (in combination with professional           home care) and its reconciling with full-time labour market participation: neither           does the level of the care benefit compensate informal carers at a level that would           allow them to leave their job or reduce their working hours, nor does the system           of elder care services provide sufficient capacities in institutional care facilities.           The latter is especially a problem of time. The long waiting times of approximately           up to two years do not provide much space for reacting to unexpected changes in           care needs. Hence, even though the strategic policy documents define institutional           elder care facilities as a kind of last resort, for cases where the dependent elderly           loses his or her self-sufficiency to an extent that can no longer be handled in           the „natural“ family environment, the presented information suggests that these           institutions do not work in this way. From this standpoint, the current common","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – eLder Care                              109                approach of applying for places in elder care facilities (long) before an urgent              need arises is a strategy of dealing with this inflexibility, which, at the same time,              increases the problem of long waiting times.                 These issues are not just a simple matter of local elder care policies; rather              they are importantly related to the national policy framework for the provision              of elderly care, most importantly to the design of the care benefit: even in the              case of an elder’s complete dependency, it pays only for a maximum of 30 hours              of  professional  home  care  a  week.  This  means  in  cases  where  a  dependent              elderly  person  has  completely  lost  his/her  self-sufficiency  and  needs  more  or              less 24 hours care, the informal carer is forced to reduce her (his) employment              and still has non-stop caring duties for the rest of the day (without spare time              or a compensation for lost income). What can be done at the local level is to              increase the support of institutional care facilities and to make institutional care              alternatives easier and more quickly available. This is much more expensive than              promoting professional home care support, however, and thus it is a matter of              financial  resources;  currently,  already  more  than  three  quarters  of  elder  care              spending in Brno goes to institutional care facilities. This fact complicates calling              for  extending  this  funding.  Moreover,  an  extension  of  institutional  elder  care              facilities partly contravenes the basic idea of the current policy framework, that              is, the support of care in the elder’s natural environment. Thus, options for change              at the local level are importantly limited by the national policy framework.                 Given the elder care policy background outlined in this chapter, the question              arises, how informal carers living in Brno manage to reconcile paid work with              their caring responsibilities and how they evaluate the current system. In chapter              6 we will therefore draw on the results of two focus groups, which were organized              with employed women with elder care responsibilities living in Brno to take a              closer look at the questions discussed in this chapter and to elaborate on the              respondents’  decision  making  on  care  and  work,  as  well  as  their  reconciling              strategies.                 In this sense, the two chapters of part II have provided key information on the              institutional and policy context of women’s care work, for both pre-school children              and the dependent elderly in Brno. As the evaluation of the related policy areas              has shown, both the policy context and the related provision of care services have              potentially constraining effects on the integration of women to the labour market              (especially in the case of care responsibilities for pre-school children younger              three  years)  and  their  successful  reconciling  of  gainful  employment  and  care              responsibilities. Therefore, in the last part of the book, we turn to women with              care responsibilities living in Brno in order to garner more detailed information              on their situation and how they manage it.","110                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             ReFeRenCeS            ČSÚ, 2011. Důchody a důchodci v Jihomoravském kraji v roce 2010. (Pensions and              pensioners in the South Moravian region in 2010). 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Kontinuita anebo změna v systému zajištění péče o seniory              v České republice od roku 1948 vzhledem k genderovanosti politik péče. (Continuity              or change in the system of elder care in the Czech Republic after 1948 related to the              genderedness of caring policies). Fórum sociální politiky, 3, pp. 3–7.           Mosley, H., 2003. Flexibility and accountability in labour market policy: A synthesis. In              OECD. Managing decentralisation: a new role for labour market policy. Paris: OECD              publishing, pp. 131–156.           MPSV, 2006. Národní zpráva o strategiích sociální ochrany a sociálního začleňování na léta              2006 – 2008. (National report on strategies of social security and social inclusion 2006–              2008). [on-line], available: http://www.mpsv.cz/cs/9115. Downloaded: 2011-10-29.           MPSV, 2007. Koncepce podpory transformace pobytových sociálních služeb v jiné typy              sociálních služeb, poskytovaných v přirozené komunitě uživatele a podporující sociální              začlenění uživatele do společnosti. (The conception for the support of the transformation              of institutional social services to other types of social services, provided in the natural              community of the user and supporting the user’s social integration in the society).              [on-line], available: http://www.mpsv.cz/files/clanky/3858/Koncepce_podpory.pdf.              Downloaded: 2011-10-29.","the LoCaL WeLfare systeM – eLder Care                              111                MPSV, 2008. National programme of preparation for ageing 2008–2012. [on-line], available:                 http://www.mpsv.cz/files/clanky/5606/starnuti_en_web.pdf. Downloaded: 2011-10-29.              MPSV, 2012a. Social services. [on-line], available: http://www.mpsv.cz/en/1613. 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Genderové aspekty stárnutí: Rodina a péče o seniory. (Gender aspects of                 aging: family and elder care). Demografie, 48(4), pp. 261–266.              Veselá, J. 2002. Představy rodinných příslušníků o zabezpečení péče nesoběstačným rodičům.                 (Family members thoughts on carring arrangements for dependent parents). Praha:Family members thoughts on carring arrangements for dependent parents). Praha:). Praha:                 VÚPSV.              Vohralíková, L. \& Rabušic, L., 2004. Čeští senioři včera, dnes a zítra. (Czech seniors yesterday,                 today and tomorrow). Brno: Výzkumný ústav práce a sociálních věcí.              Zpráva, 2011. Zpráva o sociální péči ve městě Brně za rok 2010. (The report on social                 care in the city of Brno 2010). Brno: Magistrát města Brna. [on-line], available: http://                 socialnipece.brno.cz/texty/11/podmenu/271/dokumenty-odboru-socialni-pece-mmb/.                 Downloaded: 2011-09-23.              Zpráva, 2012. Zpráva o sociální péči ve městě Brně za rok 2011. (The report on social                 care in the city of Brno 2011). Brno: Magistrát města Brna. [on-line], available: http://                 socialnipece.brno.cz/texty/11/podmenu/271/dokumenty-odboru-socialni-pece-mmb/.                 Downloaded: 2012-10-23.                 other sources              Conducted Interviews (Brno, october 2011)               Interview No. 1   Head of the Office for City Strategy at the Brno municipality              Interview No. 2    Responsible for the creation of the city strategy and regional cooperation                             at the Brno municipality, associated with the office for City Strategy              Interview No. 3   Head of the Department for the Implementation of the ESF at the local                             Southern Moravian branch of the Labour Office","112                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?              Interview No. 4   Head of the Pedagogical Organizational Department at the Division for                         Education, Youth and Sports at the Brno municipality           Interview No. 5   Responsible for requalification at the local Southern Moravian branch of                         the Labour Office           Interview No. 6   Chairperson of the Brno Deputy Mayor’s Advisory Board for Families           Interview No. 7   Head of the Department of Cooperation and Development at the                         Division of Social Care at the Brno municipality           Interview No. 8    Head of an elderly care facility           Interview No. 9   Head of the Division for Health at the Brno municipality           Interview No. 10  Chairperson of the social-democratic women           Interview No. 11  Responsible for families / family policy at the Division for Health at the                         Brno municipality           Interview No. 12  Head of the Centre for Specialized Children’s Health Services in Brno           Interview No. 13  Head of the Commission of the Brno City Council for Health and Social                         Issues, ODS","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for Pre-sChooL ChILdren In brno  11                  ChapteR 5              Women‘s Strategies for Reconciling paid Work and Care              Responsibilities for pre-school Children in Brno                   In this chapter we present the key results of two focus group discussions (one              with women with higher educational attainment and one with women with lower              educational attainment) which were organized in March 2013 with employed              women with pre-school children living in Brno. In our analysis, we primarily              focus on how these women manage to reconcile their gainful employment with              their care responsibilities. After an overall outline of the method of focus group              discussions, the presentation of our results begins with how meaningfully the              respondents perceive their employment. We then move on to their reconciling              strategies and based on that will analyse their decision making on both their              labour market integration as well as their care arrangements.               Focus Group – Method              The focus group (FG) discussions (cf. e.g. Morgan 1996; Myers 1998; Wilkinson              1998)  were  organized  to  gain  insight  into  the  decision  making  processes  of              women  at  the  micro  level,  to  analyze  how  mothers  with  pre-school  children              make decisions about work, care, reconciling work and family lives as well as to              interpret what kind of policy changes they would propose and desire. These were              the key questions discussed in the FG.                 The  literature  on  FG  concentrates  mainly  on  design,  participant  selection              and  organization  (e.g.  Greenbaum  1998;  Hennink  2007;  Kitzinger  \&  Barbour              1999; Krueger 1998a, 1998b; Krueger \& Casey 2000; Morgan 1997). Based on              this theoretical background, we conducted two focus group interviews: one with              mothers having a low level of education (ISCED 1-3) and one having a high level              of education (ISCED 4-8). In both groups all the mothers had at least one pre-              school child and all of the mothers were employed. That is, all of the respondents              were  employed  either  full  or  part-time  (based  on  temporary  or  permanent              working contracts), or were self-employed. In order to ensure a certain diversity of              childcare experiences/decisions, a quota related to the age of the child and, based              on the experiences from our pilot groups, the form of the mothers employment              (in order to prevent a group made up predominantly of self-employed mothers)              was applied. The recruitment was organized by a social research firm with whom              we cooperated on the organization of the focus groups. Additionally, two stand-by              participants were recruited in order to make sure that 8 participants would take              part in the focus group. Both focus group discussions were fully transcribed and              analyzed based on an interpretivist approach (Sayre 2001) seeking to understand              how the FG participants make their decisions in the context of and in interaction","11                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             with relevant macro structures of welfare state provision and what meanings they           ascribe to these structures.              Both focus groups followed a pre-defined schedule which focused on four           central topics: women’s work; childcare arrangements; facilitators of, and barriers           to, mothers’ working lives; facilitating women’s working lives and policy change.           The questions related to these topics are outlined at the end of the chapter, together                                          1           with a list of all of the participants . The following presentation of results and           their analysis is primarily related to the discussion of the first 3 FG themes. The           policy recommendations which were brought up by the FG respondents during           the discussion will be integrated in the concluding chapter of this book.              The  presented  design  of  the  FLOWS  focus  groups  importantly  adds  and           contributes to existing research on the topic of mothers’ return to the labour market           after parental leave in the Czech Republic. Earlier related qualitative research (cf.           e.g. Křížková et al. 2011; Bartáková 2009) focused on general patterns of how           and when women manage to return to the labour market after having a baby. As           this research showed, in the majority of cases mothers perceived their return to           work as a conflicted situation, where childcare values interfered with structural           and institutional factors. Predominantly, this conflict was solved by postponing           the mothers’ return to the labour market (Křížková et al. 2011; Bartáková 2009).           The research design presented above, by contrast, puts special emphasis on those           factors, which enable an early return. That is, by concentrating on mothers, who           returned to the labour market before the end of the maximum length of parental           leave benefit support (before their child’s third or fourth birthday), the research           aims  at  identifying  those  factors  which  enabled  the  mothers  to  resolve  the           conflicted situation in favour of a return to the labour market. Hence, it further           elaborates a point which has so far partly remained underresearched in the Czech           Republic. Moreover, the participants of the FLOWS focus groups, which were           held in Spring 2013, had already partly made their decisions in the context of           the new parental leave benefit legislation or at least had had the possibility of           changing to this new model. Hence, though this was not the primary focus of           the presented research, it also provides information on this point, and therefore           adds to the earlier research, where the respondents’ decision making was related           to the single 4 year model (Bartáková 2009) and to the 2008 reform establishing           3 different tracks (Křížková et al. 2011).              5.1   the Meaning of Work            In both focus group discussions, the respondents brought up a wide range of           reasons  for  why  they  are  in  gainful  employment.  The  reasons  cited  were  the           intrinsic, financial and social aspects of their work. However, while the discussion           in  the  group  with  higher  educational  attainment  centred  on  intrinsic  aspects           of work (like self-realization and fulfilment), the group with lower educational           attainment discussed more intensively issues related to financial necessity and             1   The names of the respondents have been changed.","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for Pre-sChooL ChILdren In brno  11                financial constraints. In this respect there was a striking difference between the              groups in that a large majority of respondents with lower educational attainment              faced a very insecure labour market situation before or during their pregnancy              (none of the FG participants from this group actually returned to the work they              had before their pregnancy). In this situation, the fear of unemployment became              a  central  motivation  for  returning  to  the  labour  market  before  their  children              reached the age of three. In contrast, the majority of FG participants with higher              education  returned  to  their  former  jobs.  These  differences  show  that  women              with lower educational attainment often face a more insecure situation in the              labour market (e.g. fixed term contracts) and are more at risk of their employers              bypassing the protective regulations for pregnant workers outlined in the labour              code. The data presented in Chapter 1 show, that for women with children aged              3–5, that is, for women returning to the labour market after having a baby, the risk              for unemployment in Brno is twice as high as for women without children in the              same age group. In this respect, the focus group discussions showed that women              with lower educational attainment are even more aware of this risk. Nevertheless,              also respondents with higher educational attainment remarked on this problem.              While  the  FG  participants  with  lower  educational  attainment  worried  more              about meeting their basic economic needs and were scared of being unemployed,              the FG participants with higher educational attainment were more motivated              by a desire to preserve a certain standard of living. Statements of Marta and              Hilda (from the group with lower educational attainments), and Milena (from              the group with higher educational attainment) exemplify this contrast:                     Moderator: … did it occur to you that you were at home too long and                    that it could be a problem to go back afterwards?                     Marta  (27/2/LE) :  Well,  overall  to  find  work  after,  yeah,  because                                   2                    I know people who have been out of work for several years, and I said                    I don’t want that. I would definitely regret it. So I just asked around                    for temporary work, but there was no temporary work, and then this                    position became available, so I expressed my interest in it and took it.                     hilda (27/2/LE): … I really went to work because I said to myself                    that there’s no work, so I am going to get a head start looking for a                    job, so I don’t end up at the unemployment office. I also took that job                    mainly because, well, since I am an operator, I can choose when I go.                    The working hours there are pretty flexible, because they are there until                    9 p.m., so when my husband comes home from work, then I can go.                     Milena (31/2/HE): Partly for financial reasons, so that my husband                    and I can take a vacation. I don’t know; sometimes just to have more.                  2   The information in brackets indicates the age of the respondent, the age of her youngest child              as well as her educational attainment (LE – lower educational attainment, ISCED 1-3; HE – higher              educational attainment, ISCED 4-8).","11                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?                   Because that income of 7,600 CZK  just brings you down financially.                                              3                 We have a loan to pay off, just like almost everyone else today. That                 was another reason.               At the same time, the participants of both groups agreed that currently, in           times of financial crisis, the situation for women with preschool children on the           labour market in Brno is not easy and all of them appreciated having a (more or           less) secure job. Given this situation, several respondents of both groups reported           that they just seized a particular opportunity to return to the labour market.              Intrinsic factors that make work meaningful (like self-realization and fulfilment,           further development, the use of one’s education, etc.) were more important for           the  FG  respondents  with  higher  educational  attainment.  In  part,  this  may  be           related to the fact that a majority of the FG respondents with lower educational           attainment – as they stated – were just happy that they had found any kind of           job that would allow them to earn a living. That is, for them escaping the threat           of unemployment and/or the possibility of reconciling work and care was more           important than the nature of their work (e.g. Johana started working as a gas           station attendant, and Hilda found a job as an operator in a call centre). However           for participants in both groups employment was meaningful, as they contrasted           it positively with their childcare and household duties. For both groups, gainful           work is related to receiving a different (more positive) kind of recognition from           their jobs, than for their work in the household and in relation to childcare. The           statements of Milena, Helga and Hilda serve as typical examples for this point.                  Milena (31/2/HE): Because probably like my colleague here, being at                 home doesn’t make me happy.                 Moderator: Why, why not?                 Milena (31/2/HE): I’d say that I’m not the type of mother that is going                 to be with one child, or two, at home for six years. That’s just not…                 Moderator: And what are you missing there, or why?                 Milena (31/2/HE): That monotony. And the chance to meet people that                 are taller than a meter. I mean that in quotation marks. /laughter/                  helga (42/2/HE): Work fulfils me, too. You know, I help people, and                 essentially at home, just like my colleague here said, everything is just                 automatic.  You  know,  my  husband  doesn’t  thank  me  for  anything.                 That’s really what fulfils people more.                  hilda (27/2/LE): If I may, I’d like to say something similar. Really,                 I was at home with my first daughter for almost six years, so I went                 back to work earlier voluntarily because of being among people, and I                 no longer enjoyed being at home.                3   The average exchange rate in 2013 was 25.974 CZK per 1 EUR.","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for Pre-sChooL ChILdren In brno  11                   Hilda’s comments point to another vital aspect making the respondents’ work              meaningful – the importance of social contact. The FG participants appreciated              working with their colleagues. Participants from both groups saw the possibility              of socializing at their job as being especially meaningful and they contrasted this              with their feelings of isolation when they stayed at home with their children. This              very positive perception of their labour market participation as meaningful is              related to the tradition of women’s full-time employment discussed earlier (cf.              Chapter 1), which was established in the country during communist rule and              remained important after the fall of the communist regime (Čermáková et al.              2000; Křížková 2003).                 At the same time, this (traditionally) rather strong orientation towards work,              as well as the awareness (especially of the FG respondents with lower educational              attainment) that long parental leave increases the risk of unemployment, stands in              clear contrast to the ideal of childcare prevailing in the Czech Republic and Brno              (cf. Chapter 3) and hence creates a potential dilemma for the respondents. In the              following we will take a closer look at the respondents’ strategies for reconciling              gainful employment with care responsibilities and present how they managed              to solve these normative tensions between prevailing childcare ideals and their              work orientation. Subsequently we will discuss the key factors in the respondents’              decision making about their labour market integration and care arrangements              and how the decision making has been supported and/or constrained by local              childcare policies.                 5.2   prevailing Care arrangements                Children aged 0–2               Despite  the  prevailing  ideal  of  personal  home-care,  ideally  by  the  mother,              until the child reaches the age of three (as outlined in Chapter 3), some of the              FG  respondents  returned  to  work  earlier;  hence  they  had  to  find  a  childcare              arrangement that allowed them to do so. For the group with lower educational              attainment, the most important childcare arrangement was care by close relatives              (most importantly the child’s grandmother or great-grandmother, but also aunts)              or arrangements where the respondents shared their childcare duties with their              partners  based  on  flexible  and/or  part-time  working  arrangements.  Private              childcare institutions were more affordable for women with higher educational              attainment  (though  they  also  complained  about  the  high  fees).  Nevertheless,              even for this group the most popular childcare arrangement was care by close              family members. In some cases, the respondents shared their childcare duties              with their partners by working flexible hours. Some of the participants also used              institutional childcare; however, they did so mostly on a part-time basis.                 The most important reasons for choosing the respective childcare arrangements              are  availability,  trust  in  the  carer/caring  institution  and  ideas  about  the  well-","11                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             being of the child. The reasons vary in importance between the two focus groups,           especially when it comes to childcare arrangements for children under three. For           the respondents with lower educational attainment, financial availability plays a           central role and limits them more or less to childcare arrangements where close           family  members  play  a  central  role  in  care  or  to  working  time  arrangements           between  the  partners.  The  following  comments  by  Lea  and  Jolana  are  good           examples:                  Moderator:  …so  basically  you  only  considered  having  a  relative                 babysit?                 Lea (28/2/LE): Yes, yeah, only like that.                 Moderator: So then, you didn’t seek out any other possibilities… didn’t                 get any information?                 Lea (28/2/LE): Well, yeah, there was no other possibility, because you                 have to be three to go to kindergarten, and that is if, like this woman                 said, if they accept your child, because today it’s a horrible problem,                 because there aren’t enough kindergartens, and so on. And so there is                 no other possibility besides this one.                  Moderator: What about the rest of you?                 Jolana (32/2/LE): Well, I totally agree with her, totally. I mean, it just                 never occurred to me to find anything out at all, because that would be                 a waste of time. No one will take my two-year-old, and I didn’t have                 enough to pay some girl to babysit, or for a nursery school.              At the same time, the respondents present these arrangements as favourable,           as the care is provided by people whom they fully trust and additionally provide           children and other close family member with an opportunity to socialize. Hence           care stays within the family, which is considered to be important for the good           of the child, especially for children under the age of three. The statements of           Marcela, Jolana and Johana are good examples for this point:                  Marcela (20/1/LE): Well, definitely, the family works. It’s not a stranger,                 and the child forms a kind of relationship to the family, not only to                 their parents, but to all the other members.                 Jolana (32/2/LE): …I have faith in them and I can leave and I don’t                 have to call in two hours: “Are you alive? Did you cross the street ok?”                  Johana (39/5/LE): Well, the biggest positive really is that it’s family. That                 grandma is babysitting…She likes her grandmother; her grandmother                 likes her and she has dogs at home.              In the higher education FG, this latter point that care stays within the family is           the central reasoning for the respondents’ childcare arrangements. Here, as well,           childcare arrangements within the family environment are presented as being the","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for Pre-sChooL ChILdren In brno  119                most favourable for children under the age of three. In the following quotes, Petra              and Jitka also use the argument that their children are not only their children              (together with their partners), but also part of a larger family circle and that              the members of this larger circle also have a “right” to be with the children and              “enjoy” them. The children should be able to socialize within this wider family.                     petra (34/2/HE): I just wanted to add that I believe that it doesn’t                    matter if a child is not with his mother a few hours per day. I think both                    mother and child must have a rest from time to time. And of course if                    you have parents (I have a mother-in-law), you have to give others in                    the family space. That child isn’t only mine or my husband’s. I take it as                    a plus that grandmothers and grandfathers can babysit.                     Jitka (30/3/HE): Let them enjoy it too.                  Petra’s  quote  also  exemplifies  another  central  point.  By  placing  the  care              arrangement  in  the  wider  family  circle  and/or  actively  involving  the  partner              in the care arrangement, the respondents reject essentialist understandings of              motherhood,  which  define  the  mother  as  the  central  (and  often  only)  caring              figure  for  children  under  the  age  of  three.  Rather,  the  choice  of  the  carer  is              related to existing relationships of trust and the idea that caring tasks should              remain within the family. Nevertheless gender is relevant, given the fact that the              child’s grandmothers play a key role here. At the same time the respondents of              both groups reported that it is vital for them not to get trapped in the role of a              “superwoman”, who is able to handle everything – job, household and childcare              duties – on her own, without the help of her partner. Hence, the respondents              perceive and accept their partners as competent to actively (and fully) participate              in childcare duties.                 The clear preference for care arrangements within a closer family circle is              moreover supported by a certain distrust in institutional childcare for children              under three years. This was first and foremost articulated in the FG with higher              educational  attainment  (in  the  group  with  lower  educational  attainment,              institutional childcare was precluded mainly for financial reasons and no detailed              discussion of the quality of these services developed) and is exemplified by the              following statements of Alena and Petra.                    alena  (39/2/HE):  For  me  maybe,  if  I  may,  it’s  about  development.                    Because today I see first and second graders who don’t even know what                    a cow is. Now, one first grader announced that a cow has a calf with                    a reindeer. You have three, four, maybe five years to show kids colours                    and animals and so on, and I doubt that in nursery schools they sit                    with children on their laps with a book reading nursery rhymes. They                    can’t possibly manage to do that.                  Alena contrasts institutional childcare to individual care by the parents or a              close family member. For her, the quality of institutional care can never equal","120                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             home care when it comes to supporting and stimulating the child’s development.           In this regard, Alena assumes that an institutional arrangement cannot provide           individualized care comparable to a family arrangement and implicitly refuses the           idea/possibility of professional high quality childcare for children less than three           years of age. This picture of institutional childcare for children under three refers           to and assumes the “mass care” provided in communist nurseries (cf. Chapter 3).           In the following quote, Petra distrusts nurseries in a similar way and defines them           rather as a last resort for parents who are under financial pressures and thus have           to return to work.                  petra (34/2/HE): I think that as long as the parents have the option,                 children should be at home until they are three. I don’t think that crèches                 are good things, but that’s just my personal opinion. But if it’s because                 of money, well, then that parent has to go to work, and that child has                 to go to a crèche. I understand it. Luckily, I am in a position where                 finances aren’t forcing me to go to work full time and aren’t forcing my                 child to go to a nursery school. When I do the math, it wouldn’t pay off                 financially.               This  negative  perception  of  and  distrust  in  institutional  care  might  partly           be related to the fact that nurseries under the communist regime, but also after           its  fall,  have  been  (institutionally)  defined  as  a  health  care  institution  simply           overseeing children, without any specific further added value for the child. The           main legitimization for nurseries under communism was the unburdening of           mothers from childcare duties in order to allow them an early return to gainful           employment (cf. Chapter 3). This is a picture that was partly also presented by           the FG respondents, when talking about nurseries (e.g. Petra, Alena). Similarly,           other private childcare institutions which provide care for children up to the age           of 3 are not perceived by the FG respondents as providing some kind of general           added value. Rather, some of the respondents (e.g. Linda, Jitka) questioned the           quality of these institutions in comparison to public kindergartens. This might           also be related to the fact that, from a legal point of view, these private childcare           institutions have to fulfill first and foremost organizational and hygiene standards,           but are not bound by quality standards relating to the program and care they           provide for the children (as are public kindergartens).              The preference for care arrangements in the circle of close family members           is further underscored by those FG respondents who (partly) deviate from the           norm. For example, FG participants who use part time institutional childcare           explain  that  they  do  so  in  order  to  meet  certain  needs  that  cannot  be  met           within the family care arrangement. These needs include socialisation or sports           opportunities for the child – Jitka; the child wanting to attend the same institution           as his/her sister/brother, or, in the context of the overall childcare arrangement,           the desire to unburden a relative caregiver such as a grandmother – Jitka and           Helena.","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for Pre-sChooL ChILdren In brno  121                      Jitka (30/3/HE): … her grandmother does take care of her, but it is                    different. She needs to be in a group of children. So we started to look                    for nursery schools on the Internet. Some private nursery… And now                    she goes to a nursery school that is near the woods and there is absolute                    peace and quiet there, and it’s very sports-oriented. Yeah. Because she is                    the kind of person who needs to have energy.                     helena (30/2/HE): … I actually sent my second child earlier. You see,                    he was used to us always bringing little Jana to school, so he wanted to                    go too… he was crying to me the last few months that he wanted to go                    too. So he was absolutely satisfied that finally he could go to nursery                    school, too.                  Hence, the available childcare institutions for children aged 0–2 are perceived              and presented as good solutions only in relation to individual cases and specific              situations, in which they provide a certain added value, which cannot be provided              within  the  wider  family,  or  which  importantly  complement  the  otherwise              preferable family arrangement.                 That  is,  the  way  the  majority  of  FG  respondents  present  and  reflect  their              childcare arrangements importantly overlaps with the national ideal of care in              terms of refusing full-time institutional childcare for children under the age of              three and favouring individual care by close family members, whom they trust.              Hence, when it comes to how the respondents perceive the childcare needs of their              children, they highly emphasize the child’s need for a stable emotional relationship              with the person who cares for them and actually see the overall development of              their children as best supported in a care arrangement within a circle of close              family members. By doing so, the respondents keep up the basic anti-institutional              orientation of the national ideal of care in relation to childcare for children under              three years (cf. Chapter 3). At the same time, they question the fundamental idea              of motherhood and the need for full-time care by the mother, which is related to              this ideal. Based on that, the respondents stretch and bend this ideal of care by              replacing personal full-time care by the mother, either through a care arrangement              that involves both partners or another close family member. This renegotiation of              the prevailing ideal of care, however, does not remain without social sanctions.              Several respondents reported that during their decision making on whether or              not to return to work, they were confronted with accusations that by returning              to work before their children reached the age of three they would be neglecting              their childcare duties. For example, Petra reported that her mother-in-law blamed              her for leaving her children alone with their father at a very young age, as she              believed that he was not able to handle them. This shows that questioning the              fundamental idea of motherhood potentially produces negative social feedback.              We will turn in more detail to the ways the normative and/or policy context              constrain the respondents’ decision making on their labour market participation              and their care arrangements in part 5.3. However, before we do that, we will take              a look at the prevailing care arrangements for children aged 3–5.","122                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             Children aged 3–5            The perception of institutional childcare changes diametrically (in both groups)           when the discussion comes to public kindergartens. In relation to this public           institution,  the  overall  idea  prevails  that  kindergarten  provides  children  with           certain advantages that family care is not able to provide – most importantly,           socializing  with  other  children.  This  socialization  was  repeatedly  cited  as  an           important  justification  for  institutional  childcare  outside  the  family.  Hence,           kindergarten is clearly the preferable and ideal childcare solution for children           at the age of 2.5/3 years, because the child is able to socialize in a collective. This           cannot happen within the family. The following quote by Alena gives a very good           example of this:                  alena (39/2/HE): If I could say something. I have spent nine years                 at home since my first child and I have always said that the Germans                 invented kindergarten and that besides nursery schools Germans also                 invented concentrations camps. So basically I never wanted my children                 to go to kindergarten. My firstborn, he went to kindergarten because,                 well, he had to. Only for the last year. And my second child, becauseOnly for the last year. And my second child, because last year. And my second child, because                 I got that wonderful offer from that recruitment agency, I sent him to                 nursery school when he was four, and the tears were just rolling out                 of me, just squirting out, and here I was, excuse the expression, like                 a bitch, leaving that boy there in that horrible institution. But he was                 very happy and so I figured out that I am not an uncaring mother, that                 I am not a bitch, and that what I was doing was giving him a group                 to belong to. And still today whenever we go down Kotlářská Street, he                 points and says, “That‘s where I went to kindergarten!”               From this point of view, the child’s need for socializing within a collective           of  children  of  their  own  age  group  is  a  central  childcare  norm  (cf.  Chapter           3). Traditionally, this idea has been especially related to kindergarten and the           age of 3 years, though some respondents also identify this need with younger           children at the age of approx. 2 or 2.5 years. Hence, for children in the age group           3–5, the focus group respondents of both groups agree that a place in a public           kindergarten is the ideal care arrangement, and at that age it is important for the           good of the child. Moreover, during the FG discussion, the fact that some of the           respondents used the childcare provided in kindergartens as a kind of benchmark           for evaluating and mainly criticizing private childcare facilities providing care for           children under 3 years, shows the respondents’ trust in these institutions.              However, in both groups the FG participants strongly agreed that the capacity           of  these  institutions  is  often  limited  and  not  all  respondents  were  successful           in finding a place in a public kindergarten when they wished to do so. Before           the recent baby boom, the system also allowed parents to place their child in           kindergarten at the age of three. However, in recent years this has become more           and more complicated even for children at the age of 4. This situation is seen as","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for Pre-sChooL ChILdren In brno  12                very problematic and the lack of kindergarten places was a central topic in both              groups.                 The alternative for this age group is private childcare institutions. They are,              however, offered at a considerably higher price than public institutions. This first              and foremost limits accessibility for the FG participants with lower educational              attainment  and  at  the  same  time  puts  normative  pressure  on  them,  as  they              basically agree with seeing kindergarten as an important childcare institution.              This is exemplified in the following quote by Lea:                     Lea (28/2/LE): Like Marta said, I think that it’s important for a child                    to be in a group. I mean there is that disadvantage that he is constantly                    sick, but otherwise belonging to a group of children is really important,                    so I would like to provide that for him. I even thought, you can pay                    for a nursery school for one day or something, but maybe, like, I don’t                    know. It’s just…                  Participants  of  the  higher  education  group  also  discussed  the  problem  of              financing this kind of childcare and complained about the high prices. As a result,              these participants perceive private childcare rather as a part-time care option,              which, compared to a full-time arrangement, is cheaper and hence financially              easier.                 Thus it is shown that in relation to childcare for children aged 3–5, the focus              group respondents present and reflect their childcare arrangements within the              national ideal of care and perceive kindergarten as a valuable childcare institution.              Based on this perception they problematize the lack of kindergarten capacity,              which complicates their return to the labour market. Though many of the FG              respondents returned to the labour market before their child reached the age of 3,              still, some of them were dependent on the availability of a (public) kindergarten              place to be able to restart their gainful employment. The following case of Linda              is a good example in this respect:                     Moderator: And did the fact that you have had a kindergarten since                    then have any influence? Or…                    Linda (26/3/HE): It was more like if I didn’t have the opportunity of                    kindergarten, I wouldn’t even be able to afford it.                    Moderator: So, your daughter was in kindergarten, so you considered                    going to work, right?                    Linda (26/3/HE): Hmm. It was more luck, because it’s not exactly easy                    to find a kindergarten in Brno.                  As she had no alternatives available (like care by a close family member or              sharing caring duties with her husband, paying for a private childcare facility), she              did not have much choice about whether or not to return to work early. Rather,              for her, a public kindergarten place was the key prerequisite for returning to work.              Linda’s example shows how the current lack of kindergarten places contributes              to an insecure situation where women (and men) with pre-school children often","12                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             do not know when they will be able to return to work. This also makes it harder           to look for a job.              This  problem  of  a  lack  of  capacity  in  public  kindergarten  and  the  related           selection criteria were discussed repeatedly in both focus groups. In this respect           the FG respondents also mentioned bribery as one possible way to solve this           dilemma. Jitka (HE) and Lea (LE) talked about the possibility of “sponsoring”           the kindergarten in order to secure a place for the child. The other respondents           agreed that they also heard of such practices, where the head of the kindergarten           hands over a list of items the kindergarten currently needs to “interested” parents.           Though the respondents saw this as a problem, at the same time they understood           that parents agree on “sponsoring”. Jitka admitted that for her, buying such items           is still more advantageous than paying the high fees of a private kindergarten.           Blanka was also able to place her child to a public kindergarten at the age of 3           mainly because of the intervention of some (not further specified) acquaintances.           Based on these experiences and rumors about bribery, the respondents also had           the impression that they could not fully trust the point system by which children           are ranked and selected for the available kindergarten places.             5.3   Decision Making on Labour Market Integration and Childcare                 arrangements            Based on the above discussion of the respondents prevailing care arrangements,           in this final section of our analysis we will now focus on those factors which           appeared to play an important role in the respondents’ decision making on their           labour market integration and childcare arrangements. These are: the availability           of  close  family  members  (the  child’s  grandmother,  great  grandmother,  aunt           etc.) and their willingness to participate in the childcare arrangement, flexible           work arrangements (flexible working hours and/or part time work), the active           integration of the child’s father in the care arrangement, and finally, the availability           and  accessibility  of  institutional  childcare  services  (private  and  public).  The           importance of these factors differs depending on the age of the child, hence, in           the following we will discuss these four points with respect to their importance in           the decision making of respondents with a pre-school child aged 0–2 and 3–5.            the availability and willingness of close family members and flexible work           arrangements            For the large majority of the respondents in both FG discussions, the availability           and willingness of a close family member to take over a certain part of the care           work or the possibility of sharing the care responsibilities with a partner were           decisive about their return to the labour market before their child reached the age           of 3 years. 13 out of the 16 FG respondents returned to the labour market before           their child turned 3 years, 10 of them did so based on a care arrangement which           relies mainly on the care of a close family member (most importantly the child’s","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for Pre-sChooL ChILdren In brno  12                grandmother, but also great-grandmother or aunt) and in 3 cases the return was              made possible through an arrangement where the partners were able to share              the childcare responsibilities based on flexible work arrangements (in the form              of part-time work and/or flexible working hours). Hence, the key factor which              contributed to their return to work was the availability of these care arrangements              (e.g. the child’s grandmother retired, one respondent moved to Brno to live close              to her mother-in-law, they had or found a job with flexible working hours). The              following quotes of Jitka, Petra, Alena and Hilda very well exemplify this point:                     Jitka (30/3/HE): … So my parents, who are already retired, told me:                    “Go.” So I went after two years, so now of course my daughter didn’t get                    into a kindergarten, so she goes to a private one. Everyone is happy and                    satisfied – my daughter and me, too.                     petra (34/2/HE): Our biggest decision was to move from Prague to                    Brno.  Because  my  husband  is  from  Brno,  and  when  we  found  out                    we were expecting twins we realized that first of all we had a small                    apartment in Prague, and second of all that I would also need help.                    So because of our children we moved to Brno so that we would have                    babysitting and some help.                     alena (39/2/HE): But the fact that he is a programmer, we have agreed                    upon a perfect schedule. Even though I sort of started back to work                    after  a  year,  which  might  sound  absolutely  horrible,  I  had  already                    stopped  breastfeeding.  I  nursed  for  12–13  months,  and  afterwards                    only at bedtime. So, in the morning he was home, and at noon we                    “exchanged” our child in front of work you could say, because he works                    300 meters from me, and then I went home. /laughter/ Well, it really                    sounds horrible that I have been working full-time essentially since my                    child was one. But it was that he wanted to accommodate my wishes                    and he is the one who works long hours into the night, so somehow we                    will get over it, and then we will deal with kindergarten.                     hilda (27/2/LE): … And I also took that job mainly because, well,And I also took that job mainly because, well,                    since I am an operator, I can choose when I go. The working hours                    there are pretty flexible, because they are there until 9 p.m., so when my                    husband comes home from work, then I can go.                  What is interesting here, from the point of view of women’s decision making on              when to return to the labour market after having a child, is the fact that the majority              of women did so only because they had a private or family care arrangement              available. In this respect, available grandparents were given as key facilitators for              returning to the labour market and the reconciling of work and family life. On              the one hand this mirrors specifics of the local system of institutional childcare,              which for children under the age of three offers only private institutions, which              have higher costs than state-kindergartens. On the other hand, this points also to","12                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             the local childcare norms and the related opinion that until the child reaches the           age of three, it should be cared for in the family environment, which we discussed           in the previous section.              Furthermore,  the  experiences  of  the  FG  respondents  show  how  essential           flexible  working  arrangements  are  for  reconciling  work  and  childcare  duties,           especially for children aged 0–2. They allow the respondents to be, to a large           extent, independent from both the support of other close family members and           the  (non-existing)  availability  of  public/private  childcare  institutions.  In  the           two particular cases, the flexible working arrangements even allow a more or           less equal sharing of childcare duties among the partners. Hence, in these cases,           reconciling work and caring responsibilities is the concern of both partners and           not perceived as the problem of women alone (as is so often the case and generally           leads to reproducing gender inequalities). In the context of the current system of           parental allowance, which pays only a flat rate and which hardly provides an           incentive for fathers to alternate with the mother on parental leave, such working           arrangements  provide  an  even  more  important  framework  for  the  sharing  of           childcare duties between the parents. Such solutions are not the norm in the           Czech Republic, however, as flexible working hours have only just started being           supported by companies on a broader basis. Furthermore, such positive forms of           working flexibility are not available in all jobs, and in typically feminized sectors/           jobs, forms of negative working flexibility prevail (cf. Dudová 2008).              For the respondents with lower educational attainment, this problem is further           intensified by their often precarious situation in the labour market. Hence they           are, to a certain extent, caught up in a situation where, on the one hand, they           feel the very urgent need to return to the labour market (based on their fear           of unemployment after the end of their parental leave) and, on the other hand,           they have few available working arrangements that would allow them to return           to the labour market in the form and to the extent which they would prefer. This           often makes it necessary to compromise on the work they do (that is, they do not           necessarily return to a job they are trained to do, but rather to any job that allows           them to reconcile care and employment. Hilda’s situation is an excellent example           of this. Before becoming pregnant she was a nurse; after having her baby she           started working in a call centre.           the active integration of the child’s father in the care arrangement            When it comes to the question concerning the role of fathers and their changing           role in childcare, the FG respondents largely agreed that there have been important           changes over the last decades, most importantly in the way they relate to their           childcare duties. With regard to this point, respondents mentioned that today           fathers are more prepared to help and to get involved in care work. At the same           time it was pointed out that they also have more opportunities to do so (e.g. be           at the birth, attend preparatory classes with the child’s mother). The respondents           also mentioned that though this trend certainly exists, it does not apply to all           men in general. Talking about their own experiences as well as experiences of           acquaintances and friends, they reported, on the one hand, prevailing traditional","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for Pre-sChooL ChILdren In brno  12                models, with a male breadwinner who does not get involved much in childcare;              on the other hand, they also reported examples of a more shared responsibility              for gainful employment, childcare and household duties.                 Nevertheless, most of the respondents saw a certain effort on the side of their              partners to become involved and to spend time with their children, even if they              work a lot. The respondents also agreed with the idea of men taking parental leave.              According to them, the ideal solution would be to have both partners alternate,              with  the  father  becoming  involved  at  a  later  stage  (when  the  child  reaches  a              certain age – e.g. 1.5 or 2 years). In relation to this discussion, the FG respondents              described  prevailing  prejudices,  including  those  of  employers,  against  men              taking parental leave. Marta, for example, reported that she and her partner had              planned for him to take parental leave. When her partner notified his employer,              the employer reacted by raising his income in order to keep him. Matylda was              also convinced that her partner’s employer would not allow him to take parental              leave. From this discussion it also became clear that, for a majority of the FG              respondents, one justifiable situation in which a man can take parental leave is              when a woman earns more than he does and, hence, the family would be better              off in keeping the woman’s income. Respondents from the group with higher              educational attainment discussed the problem of prevailing gender stereotypes              and  stereotypical  expectations  towards  fathers  in  general.  Petra,  for  example,              reported that her mother-in-law blamed her for leaving her young children alone              with their father, as the mother-in-law believed that he would not be able to              handle them at such a young age. Similarly Milena’s (female) colleague pointed              out to her that she should be glad that her partner is looking after the children              at all (implying that she is expecting a lot from him). Alena reported that her              first marriage failed because she earned more than her husband, who was not              able to handle this fact. These examples point to prevailing gender stereotypes              related to the perception of gender roles in family, work and care. Against the              background of these prevailing stereotypes, the FG respondents pointed out that              communication on these matters among the partners is crucial. At the same time,              they also thought it was important that women actively involve men in child              caring and household duties and not present themselves as “superwomen” who              are able to do everything on their own (household, childcare, work).                 As all FG respondents were employed women with a pre-school child (the              key selection criterion for the focus group), their shared positive perception of              the involvement of fathers in care duties can be interpreted in two different ways:              either, the employment of women importantly contributes to their perception of              fathers as important partners in childcare duties, or, women who perceive fathers              as  competent  to  actively  (and  fully)  participate  in  childcare  duties  are  more              prepared to return to the labour market before their child reaches the age of 3.                 In this respect, the focus group data suggest that, apart from the availability of              the family childcare arrangement (most importantly the child’s grandmother or              great-grandmother), the involvement of fathers in the childcare duties is another              important factor for a successful and early (at least within the Czech context)              return to the labour market. This is also supported by the fact that in some cases,              the childcare arrangement is based on a more or less equal sharing of childcare","12                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             duties between the partners because of flexible working hours and/or part-time           arrangements by both partners. Hence, within an institutional context, which in           the Czech Republic still enforces family care until the child reaches the age of           three years, such individual strategies, specifically related to the involvement of           the father, are key to allowing the women an early return to the labour market.            the availability and accessibility of institutional childcare services            The two focus groups showed that the characteristics of the Czech system of           institutional  childcare  importantly  constrain  decision  making  and  available           options in relation to both when to return to the labour market after having a           child and how to reconcile work and childcare duties. Practically speaking, only           private childcare institutions exist for the age group 0–2. They offer their services           at considerably higher prices than public kindergartens for children aged 3–5.           This problem was perceived in a very similar way by both focus groups and the           main difference was that the high fees make institutional childcare more or less           financially inaccessible to lower income groups, while the FG participants with           higher educational attainment saw them as being available, for example, in the form           of part-time care. Hence the institutional framework for pre-school childcare in           the Czech Republic importantly (re)produces the central Czech childcare norm:           that institutional childcare is suitable only for children older than three years. To           a large extent this norm is also part of how the FG respondents in both groups           perceive  available  childcare  options  for  their  children  aged  0–2.  Institutional           childcare for children aged 0–2 is seen by the respondents with higher educational           attainment as a supplement to family care (in case the individual situation of           the child demands that) or a last resort in a situation in which a woman has to           return to the labour market due to financial pressures. Institutional childcare for           children aged 0–2 is seen by the respondents with lower educational attainment           as simply unavailable from a financial point of view. Hence, again in both groups,           the respondents see their room for decision making about when and how to           return to the labour market not so much constrained by the current (limited)           offer of institutional childcare for children aged 0–2 but first and foremost by the           lack of availability of flexible working hours and/or part-time jobs that would           allow them to earn a living (as outlined above). As a result, the respondents (in           both groups) are, for the most part, satisfied when they manage to find a childcare           arrangement where the child is cared for in the broader family context or when           caring duties are split between the partners (based on flexible working hours and/           or part-time work arrangements). Hence, based on the current prevalent ideal of           personal care by the mother, or – according to the majority of the FG respondents           – by the parents or a close family member, the lack of institutional childcare for           children aged 0–2 is perceived only as a minor barrier for the respondent’s return           to the labour market. This is also related to a lingering general distrust in these           institutions.              For  the  FG  respondents,  childcare  institutions  become  more  attractive           when their children reach the age of approx. 2 or 2.5 years and hence they start           demanding financially available (both groups) childcare for children at this age.","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for Pre-sChooL ChILdren In brno  129                At the same time, this demand is related to current changes in the organization of              the parental allowance which is now potentially available until the child reaches              the age of 2.The strongest demands for improvements were articulated by the              FG respondents in both groups in relation to the kindergarten system, where a              current lack of capacity leads to problems in placing children aged 3–4 years. This              high demand for childcare is related to the second strong childcare norm in the              Czech Republic –that children from the age of 3 need collective socializing in a              larger group of same-aged children.                 Hence from the point of view of the FG respondents and how they perceive              childcare  options  available  in  the  current  institutional  context  in  the  Czech              Republic, their room for decision making about when to return to the labour              market and how to reconcile employment and childcare, is first and foremost              constrained  by  the  lack  of  kindergarten  capacity  for  children  aged  3–4.  This              opinion is shared by the respondents of both groups. For those women who had              no alternative care arrangements available which would allow them to return              to the labour market before their child reaches the age of 3, the availability of a              public kindergarten place is the central prerequisite for returning to work. This is              substantially complicated by the current insecurity about whether a place will be              available or not. At the same time, also for women who managed to return to the              labour market based on an alternative childcare arrangement before their child              turned 3, the availability of a public kindergarten place for their child might still              mean an important change: some of the respondents, for example saw this as an              opportunity to return to a full-time job.                 5.4   Conclusions               The considerations presented above show a very clear picture on how the current              structural, institutional and value context constrains women’s decision making (in              both groups) about their return to the labour market and the way they reconcile              work and care responsibilities for children aged 0–2. What both focus groups              showed to be the key factor for a successful, and in the context of the Czech              Republic, rather early return to the labour market (that is, before the child reaches              the age of 3 years) is the availability of a caring arrangement based on close              family members (most importantly, the availability of the child’s grandmother              or great-grandmother). This is, however, a factor which the FG respondents have              little control of – this was also reflected in the way the respondents talked about              their return to the labour market (especially in the group with higher educational              attainment), in the sense that they returned because the grandmother became              available for care.                 Alternatively, an earlier return was made possible by a care arrangement based              on a more or less equal sharing of caring duties between the partners because              of  flexible  working  hours  and/or  part-time  working  arrangements.  Given  the              prevailing care norms in the Czech Republic which see family care as crucial for              children aged 0–2 and the reluctance of the Czech state to subsidize institutional","130                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             child-care for children in this age group, the support of this latter possibility (that           is an extension of the possibilities of flexible working hours and of part-time jobs)           seems essential for women to return earlier to the labour market. At the same           time however, this bears the risk that it will be primarily women who will work           in part-time jobs and that they will remain stuck in these jobs even after they           stop being important for their reconciling strategies. In this regard, it is central to           note that the respondents demanded part-time jobs first and foremost in relation           to  reconciling  work  and  care  responsibilities  for  children  aged  0–2. With  the           child attending kindergarten, they would also return to full time employment.           Moreover, flexible working hours and part-time arrangements (that provide the           employee with positive work flexibility) are often more available for women with           higher educational attainment.              Even though the large majority of the FG respondents managed to return           to the labour market before their children turned 3 due to alternative childcare           arrangements, public kindergarten still remains central to their labour market           integration.  For  some  of  the  respondents  who  had  no  other  arrangements  at           hand, only the availability of a public kindergarten place enabled them to return           to  work  when  their  child  turned  3.  For  other  respondents,  the  fact  that  their           children started attending kindergarten meant the opportunity to return to their           full-time job. That is, public kindergartens play a central role in the reconciling           strategies  of  the  FG  respondents  and  hence  the  current  lack  of  kindergarten           places substantially complicates and constrains the way they manage childcare           and gainful employment. From this point of view, the support of the extension of           kindergarten capacities on the local level is a key way to improve the possibilities           of reconciling work and family life in Brno (c.f. Křížková et al. 2011 for similar           results).              Finally, the results of the focus group discussions also showed the key role           an “acceptable” childcare arrangement plays in a woman’s return to the labour           market.  The  respondents’  presentation,  rationalization  and  legitimization  of           their  choices  takes  place  in  the  discursive  environment  of  the  nationally  and           locally institutionalized ideal of care (cf. Chapter 3). This discursive environment           potentially  supports  and  constrains  certain  ways  of  presenting,  rationalizing           and legitimizing choices related to childcare and labour market participation.           The respondents in both focus groups, who returned to work before their child           reached the age of three, presented their return as dependent on the fact that           a  care  arrangement  within  the  wider  family  became  available  (e.g.  the  child’s           grandmother retired and agreed to care, the child’s aunt or another close family           member agreed to care). An early return to work was also possible if the (existing)           work arrangements of the partners (the availability of part-time and/or flexible           working hours) allowed it. Hence, the respondents in both groups explained and           legitimized their early return to work, not in terms of their motivation to go to           work at this specific point in time, but rather as related to the availability of a           childcare arrangement within the closer family environment, which they perceive           as favourable for their children (c.f. Křížková et al. 2011 for similar results). Thus,           in the Czech context, it seems not to be legitimate for mothers of children aged           0–2 to freely articulate their work orientation. They can do so only in combination","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for Pre-sChooL ChILdren In brno  11                with a childcare arrangement that is at least partly in line with the prevailing              ideal of care. This shows, on the one hand, how welfare states might act as “moral              agents” (Wolfe 1989 cit. in Kremer 2005) and on the other, how nationally and              locally institutionalized ideals of care are (re)negotiated in the context of mother’s              micro decision making about employment and care.                 While the results of our focus group discussions clearly show that, currently,              the described ideal of personal care by the mother until the child reaches the age              of three prevails (c.f. Křížková et al. 2011 and Bartáková 2009 for similar results),              there are also some indications that this ideal of care is changing. One of the              strongest indicators of this is seen in the fact that the ideals of care for children              aged 0–2 and children aged 3–5 do not complement one another the way they did              before. Due to the lack of kindergarten capacity it is currently rather complicated              for mothers to place their child in kindergarten at the age of 3 and consequently              to return to the labour market (as the ideals of care suggest). At the same time,              due to the recent economic crises, it is getting harder and harder for women              to  return  to  the  labour  market  after  such  long  absences. As  our  focus  group              discussions showed, the respondents clearly identified this problem and reacted              with efforts (especially in the group with lower educational attainment) to return              earlier. Hence, the actual (working and caring) reality of women becomes more              and more disconnected from the ideals of care institutionalized and promoted in              Czech family policies.                 At the same time, the institutional background is changing. The last reform of              the parental leave allowance (which came into effect in January 2012) broke with              the norm of threeness for the first time. In relation to institutional childcare the              option for two years of leave was economically equalized with the other, longer              options and the limitations to institutional care apply only until the child reaches              the age of 2 years (as a prerequisite for drawing parental leave allowance). This              opens  new  possibilities  for  parents,  for  example,  to  choose  the  3  year  option              and to use the parental leave allowance to pay for childcare in the last year. In              regard to that, it is interesting that when asked for potential improvements, focus              group  respondents  demanded  financially  available  (that  is  publicly  financed)              institutional childcare for children starting at the age of 2. In compliance with              this, the government is about to introduce a new form of childcare institution,              which should regulate the provision of childcare services for children up to the              mandatory school age (0–5) both on a for-profit and non-profit basis (though              these plans have been significantly delayed by the governmental crisis in June/              July  2013  and  the  subsequent  early  elections).  Its  main  aim  is  to  provide  the              possibility,  especially  for  municipalities,  companies  and  NGOs,  to  offer  non-              profit childcare services. This opens up space for establishing a new tradition of              institutional childcare, which overcomes the still prevailing ideas of care related              to the communist nurseries. These developments point to changes in the ideal of              care in the sense of a greater openness towards institutional childcare for children              under three, which will also support women’s early return to the labour market.","132                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             ReFeRenCeS            Bartáková, H., 2009. Cesta zpátky: návrat žen po rodičovské dovolené na trh práce v České              republice. (The way back: the return of women from parental leave to the labour market in              the Czech Republic). Brno: Masarykova univerzita, Mezinárodní politologický ústav.           Čermáková, M. et al., 2000. Relations and changes of gender differences in the Czech society in              the 1990s. Praha: Sociologický ústav Akademie věd České republiky.           Dudová, R., 2008. Flexibilita práce, marginalizace a soukromý život: nová rizika a šance.              (Flexibility of work, marginalization and private life: new risks and opportunities).              In R. Dudová, ed. Nové šance a rizika: flexibilita práce, marginalizace a soukromý život              u vybraných povolání a sociálních skupin. (New opportunities and risks: work flexibility,              marginalization and private life in particular occupations and social groups). Praha:              Sociologický ústav AV ČR, pp. 296–306.           Greenbaum, T., 1998. The Handbook for Focus Group Research. Thousands Oaks: Sage.           Hennink, M. M., 2007. International Focus Group Research: A Handbook for Health and Social              Sciences. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.           Kitzinger, J. \& Barbour, R. S., eds., 1999. Developing Focus Group Research: Politics, Theory and              Practice. London: Sage.           Kremer, M., 2005. The Cultural Dimension of Welfare States. Ideals of Care and Women’s              Work. Paper presented at the RC19 Meeting Chicago, 8–10 September 2005.              In Re-theorizing Welfare States: Restructuring States, Restructuring Analysis. [on-line],              available: http://www.northwestern.edu/rc19/Kremer.pdf. Downloaded: 2013-06-11.           Krueger, R. A. \& Casey, M.A., 2000. Focus Groups: A Practical Guide for Applied Research.              Thousand Oaks: Sage.           Krueger, R., 1998a. Developing Questions for a Focus Group. Thousand Oaks: Sage.           Krueger, R., 1998b. Moderating Focus Groups. Thousand Oaks: Sage.           Křížková, A., 2003. Postavení žen na trhu práce a jejich pracovní preference. (The position of              women on the labour market and their working preferences). In H. Hašková, A. Křížková,              H. Maříková \& R. Radimská, eds. Rovné příležitosti mužů a žen přislaďování práce              a rodiny? (Equal opportunities for men and women for reconciling work and family?).              Praha: Sociologický ústav Akademie věd České republiky, pp. 5–28.           Křížková, A., Maříková, H., Hašková, H. \& Formánková, L., 2011. Pracovní dráhy žen v České              republice. (Work trajectories of women in the Czech Republic). Vyd. 1. Praha: SLON.           Morgan, D. L., 1996. Focus Groups. Annual Review of Sociology, 22, pp. 129–152.           Morgan, D. L., 1997. Focus Groups as Qualitative Research. Thousand Oaks: Sage.           Myers, G., 1998. Displaying opinions: topics and disagreement in focus groups. Language in              Society, 27(1), pp. 85–111.           Sayre, S., 2001. Qualitative Methods for Marketplace Research. London: Sage.           Wilkinson. S., 1998. Focus Groups in Feminist Research: Power, Interaction, and the              Co-Construction of Meaning. Women’s Studies International Forum, 22(1), pp. 111–125.           Wolfe, A., 1989. Whose Keeper? Social Science and Moral Obligation. Berkeley: University of              California Press.               topics and questions of the FG discussions            THEME 1 WOMEN’S WORK           (W1)   Will you tell us first a little about your work and what it means to you.           (W2)   What are the things about working that are rewarding and make you feel good?           (W3)   Are there any negative aspects to your work?","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for Pre-sChooL ChILdren In brno  1                (W4)    I would like to ask have any of you had to make a key decision about participation                      in work in the last five years and to describe that a little please.              THEME 2 CHILDCARE ARRANGEMENTS              (C1)   What kinds of childcare options were available to you and how did you find out                     about them?              (C2)   Why did you choose your present form of childcare? I would like to find out more                     about how happy you are with it, and what are the positive and negative aspects of                     it?              (C3)   Is your working life, and especially your time and commitment to work, influenced                     by the childcare that is available to you?               THEME 3 FACILITATORS OF, AND BARRIERS TO, MOTHERS’ WORKING LIVES              (MW1)  What role do fathers play in childcare and domestic work now, in what ways have                      their roles changed since you were a child?              (MW2)  Is there any other person in your family or social network who helps or makes                      it difficult for you to continue in employment? (Please prompt if necessary: see                      below)              (MW3)  Are there any aspects of your working conditions (time, flexibility, leave                      arrangements, location and so on) that have a negative effect on your family life?               THEME 4 FACILITATING WOMEN’S WORKING LIVES \& POLICY CHANGE              (P1)    What changes in family life, in the workplace, or in your local area would make the                      life of a working mother easier?              (P2)    Are there any policy changes (for example, childcare, taxation, social welfare) that                      you would make to improve women’s working lives?              (P3)    If you were looking for work now, do you think there are many opportunities in the                      workplace for women at present?              (P4)    In an ideal world, what would your perfect mix of work and family life be like?                   Focus group – participants 4              aLeNa is 39 years old, has university education and works in a full-time job (40 hours) as a                 teacher, educational adviser and specialist for the prevention of sociopathic occurrences                 (in schooling). She has 3 children (aged 2, 10 and 14), who are cared for (especially the                 youngest) by herself, her partner and the child’s grandmother. During maternity and                 parental leave, she more or less kept her job in the form of a part-time contract (both in                 order to secure it in times when it is not easy to find a job, and because of her specific                 training, because of which it would be hard for the school to find a replacement during                 her absence). Alena is divorced and cohabiting with her current partner. The two older                 children are from her first marriage, the father of the youngest child is her current                 partner. Her partner works in a full-time job as a programmer and has a university                 education.              BLaNKa is 27 years old, has a university education and works full-time (40 hours) as an                 economist in the public sector. She has one child aged 4, who is cared for by her and who                 attends kindergarten. After being on parental leave until her daughter reached the age of                 three and started attending kindergarten, Blanka returned to hear former work. She is                 4   The names of the respondents have been changed.","13                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?                married and her husband works in a full-time job as a financial manager in the private              sector and has a university education.           heLeNa is 30 years old, has a university education and works full-time (40 hours) as a              pharmacist (in the private sector). She has two children (aged 2.5 and 5), the youngest is              cared for by the grandmother and attends a private kindergarten. After she stopped breast              feeding, she started to work occasionally in a pharmacy (shifts on Saturday), later on, she              also started to work there regularly. Helena is married and her husband is a self-employed              lawyer (on full-time basis) and has a university education.           heLGa is 42 years old, has a university education and works full time (40 hours) as a              paediatrist (in the public sector). She has two children (aged 2 and 10), who are cared for              mainly by their father and their grandmother. She returned to work when the youngest              child reached the age of two (at the time of the FG her son was 2 years and 3 months).              One of the central factors enabling her return was the fact that her mother retired and              agreed to mind the child. Helga is married; her husband has a university education and              works full time as a state officer.            JITKa is 30 years old, has a university education and works full-time as a head of department              at a public health insurance company. She has one child (aged 3), who is cared for by the              grandmother and who also attends a private kindergarten (3 days a week). Jitka returned              to work when her daughter was two years old, both for financial reasons (as she is a single              mother) and in order to keep her position. Before her daughter turned 3, she was only              cared for, by her grandmother. At the age of 3 she started attending a private kindergarten              (as there was no place in a public one). Jitka is divorced and currently lives on her own.            LINDa is 26 years old, has a university education and works full-time (40 hours) as a              translator in a company. She has one child aged 3 who attends kindergarten, and who              is cared for by herself and the father. She returned to work when her child reached 3              years and was accepted in kindergarten. Linda is married; her husband has a university              education and works full-time as a civil engineer.           MILeNa is 31 years old, has a university education and works part-time (16 hours a week)              in a school library information centre. She has one child aged 2, who is cared for by her              husband and her. Milena returned to work when her child was nine months old, after she              stopped breast feeding. She returned to her former employer, however only on part-time              basis. She plans to return to full-time work and start teaching again (in addition to her              work in the information centre) when the child turns 3. She is married; her husband has a              university education and works part-time as a musician in an orchestra.           peTRa is 34 years old, has a university education and is self-employed (approx. 30 hours a              week) in her own pastry shop. At the same time she occasionally teaches English. She has              three children aged 2 (twins) and 9, who are cared for by her, their grandmother and their              father. Petra started her business after the birth of her twins. For her, parental leave until              the child reaches the age of 3, represents an ideal time to develop a business. In case it              doesn’t work out, she is going to look for a job when the twins turn 3 and start attending              kindergarten. Petra is married; her husband has a university education and works full-              time as a civil engineer.           IReNa…is 30 years old, has a secondary education with GCSE (general certificate of              secondary education), is self-employed and works almost full-time (35 hours) as a              financial adviser in the private sector. She has one child aged 3, who is cared for by her              sister, her aunt and the grandmother. Before she went on maternity/parental leave, she","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for Pre-sChooL ChILdren In brno  1                   worked as a sales representative, however got dismissed during her trial time, hence she                 was not able to return to this job. Currently Irena is expecting her second child. She is                 married and her husband works in a full-time job as an IT-developer in the private sector                 and has a secondary education without GCSE.               Lea is 28 years old, has a secondary education without GCSE and works full-time (40 hours)                 as a shop assistant in a drug store in the private sector. She has one child aged 2, who is                 cared for by her mother. When her child was 4 months old, she returned to selling ice                 cream (which she also did before the birth of her child as she had lost her former job                 during her pregnancy and was not able to find something else). After this seasonal job                 ended, she found her job in the drug store. Lea is married and her husband works in a                 full-time job as a technician and has a secondary education without GCSE.               MaRTa is 27 years old, has a secondary education with GCSE and works full-time (40 hours)                 as a system analyst in the private sector. She has one child aged 2.5 who attends a private                 kindergarten and is cared for by her mother, the child’s father and family members. When                 her child was 1.5 years old, she returned to work. For a half year the child was minded by                 Marta’s sister in law, at the age of two her child started attending a private kindergarten.                 Before she got pregnant, Marta worked as an administrative officer in an insurance                 company. However, as she was a temporary replacement for a woman on parental leave,                 she was made redundant when the former employee returned (and she was on maternity                 leave). She managed to get another job at the same insurance company. Marta is married                 and her husband works in a full-time job as a sales representative and has a secondary                 education without GCSE.               JOLaNa is 32 years old, has a secondary education with GCSE and works full-time                 (40 hours) as a carer in a private childcare institution. She has one child aged 2, who                 is cared for by her partner and her sister. Jolana returned to work, when her child was                 approx. 1.5 years old. Before her pregnancy she worked in the administration of an                 insurance company. Though she had a permanent contract, the company did not keep                 the position for her (the person who replaced Jolana during her parental leave obtained                 a permanent contract, which means that there is no chance for Jolana to return to that                 company). Therefore, when she was offered a position in a private childcare institution,                 she accepted. Jolana lives with her partner, who works in a full-time job as a blue-collar                 worker in the private sector and has a secondary education without GCSE.              MaRCeLa is 20 years old, has a secondary education without GCSE, is self-employed and                 works full time (40 hours) as a hair dresser in the private sector. She has one child aged                 1.5, who is cared for by her mother. Marcela got pregnant before she finished school.                 When her child was 8 months old, she started working. Marcela lives with her partner,                 who works in a full-time job as a car mechanic in the private sector and has a secondary                 education without GCSE.               JOhaNa is 39 years old, has a secondary education with GCSE, and works full-time                 (40 hours) as a gas station attendant in the private sector. She has one child aged 5,                 who is cared for by herself and her mother. Johana returned to work when her child                 was 1.5 years old. Because the company where she worked before her pregnancy went                 bankrupt, she took a job at a gas station where a friend of hers worked. Johana lives with                 her partner, who works in a full-time job as an administrator in the private sector and has                 a secondary education with GCSE.               MaTYLDa is 38 years old, has a secondary education with GCSE, and works part-time                 (20 hours) as a pedagogical assistant. She has 2 children (aged 4 and 8), the younger one","13                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?                attends kindergarten and is also cared for by her husband. Altogether, she stayed 7 years              on parental leave (starting in 2004) and returned to work when her younger child was              3 years old and started attending kindergarten. Matylda is married and her husband              works in a full-time job as a cook in the public sector and has a secondary education              without GCSE.           hILDa is 27 years old, has a secondary education with GCSE, and works part-time              (20 hours) as an operator in a call-centre. She has 2 children (aged 2.5 and 5), the younger              one is cared for by her, her husband and her mother. Altogether, she stayed approx.              4.5 years on parental leave and returned to work when her younger child was 2 years old.              Before her pregnancy she worked as a nurse. Hilda is married and her husband works in              a full-time job in a rental shop in the private sector and has a secondary education with              GCSE.","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for dePendent eLderLy faMILy MeMbers… 1                  ChapteR 6              Women‘s Strategies for Reconciling paid Work and Care              Responsibilities for Dependent elderly Family Members in Brno                   In  this  chapter  we  present  the  key  results  of  two  March  2013  focus  group              discussions with employed women who care for a frail elderly person and live in              Brno. One focus group is comprised of women with higher educational attainment              and the other is comprised of women with lower educational attainment. Our              analysis primarily focuses on how these women manage to reconcile their gainful              employment with their care responsibilities. After a short introduction, presenting              the method of our research and relating it to previous research in the Czech              Republic on this topic, our results begin with how meaningfully the respondents              perceive their employment. We then move on to their care arrangements and              how these arrangements mirror prevailing elder care norms. Based on this, we              will analyse their decision making about both their labour market integration              and their care arrangements.              Focus Group – Method               The focus groups (FG) interviews (e.g. Morgan 1996; Myers 1998; Wilkinson 1998)              were organized to gain insight into the decision making processes of women at              the micro level; to analyze how women with care responsibilities for a dependent              elderly family member make decisions about work, care, reconciling work and              family lives as well as what kind of policy changes they would propose and desire.              These were also the key questions discussed in the FG (cf. the outline of the focus              groups’ topics and questions at the end of the chapter).                 The literature on FG concentrates mainly on design, participant selection and              their organization (e.g. Greenbaum 1998; Hennink 2007; Kitzinger and Barbour              1999; Krueger 1998a, 1998b; Krueger and Casey 2000; Morgan 1997). Based on              this theoretical background, we did two focus group interviews: one with women              with elderly care responsibilities having a low level of education (ISCED 1-3)              and one with a high level of education (ISCED 4-8). In both groups all of the              respondents had care responsibilities for a dependent elderly close family member              who needed care and support in everyday life and all of them were in employment.              That is, all of the respondents were employed either full or part-time (based on              a temporary or permanent working contract), or were self-employed. In order              to ensure a certain diversity of care experiences/decisions, a quota related to the              care arrangements (personal informal care, the use of professional home care              services,  institutional  care)  was  applied.  The  recruitment  was  organized  by  a              social research firm, with whom we cooperated for organizing the focus groups.              Additionally, two stand-by participants were recruited in order to make sure that              9 participants would take part in the focus group. Both focus group discussions","13                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             were fully transcribed and analysed based on an interpretivist approach (Sayre           2001), seeking to understand how the FG participants make their decisions in           the context of and in interaction with relevant macro structures of welfare state           provision and what meanings they ascribe to these structures.              The  presented  design  of  the  FLOWS  focus  groups  importantly  adds  and           contributes to existing research on the topic of informal care for frail elderly           family  members  in  the  Czech  Republic  (cf.  e.g.  Jeřábek  et  al.  2013;  Přidalová           2007a,b;  2006; Veselá  2002;  Tošnerová  2001).  In  this  regard  the  most  striking           and  important  characteristic  and  difference  of  the  research  presented  in  this           publication  is  the  analysis  of  the  provision  of  care  by  informal  carers  and           their decisions about the provision of care within the current institutional and           structural  context  of  elder  care.  Jeřábek  et  al.  (2013)  and  Přidalová  (2007a,b;           2006) by contrast focused first and foremost on examining and explaining the           care  decision  and  experience  of  informal  carers  on  a  rather  individual  level.           Though they take into account and discuss the influence and power of prevailing           care norms on how their respondents decide about, perceive and provide care for           their frail parents, they do not take into account how these care norms are also           reproduced through elder care policies and the provision of (public) elder care           services (cf. Chapter 4 in this publication). This in turn shapes and influences           the respondents’ care decisions (Přidalová  [2007a] does, however, discuss this           limitation  in  her  conclusion).  Thus,  the  following  analysis  does  not  primarily           focus on the respondents’ individual experience of care, but rather on how they           perceive and experience the effects of providing informal care on their life. We do           so mainly in relation to the informal carers’ strategies for reconciling work and           care responsibilities. Though our research focus adds importantly to the earlier           research on informal elderly care, it nevertheless also has its limitations, the most           important of which is that it does not take into account the situation of informal           carers who left their employment in order to care. Hence, though in the following           we will discuss what factors support women in order to reconcile work and care,           our research does not provide answers as to why women leave their employment           to care and how this impacts their lives.                                             1             6.1   the Meaning of Work            In  both  FG  discussions,  the  respondents  brought  up  a  wide  range  of  reasons           for why they are in gainful employment. The reasons cited were the intrinsic,           financial and social aspects of their work. However, differences between women           with different educational levels arose, mainly in respect to the first two aspects.           While in the group with higher educational attainment intrinsic aspects of work           played a more central role (e.g. self-realization, self-development, pleasure and           meaningfulness)  the  group  with  lower  educational  attainment  put  a  stronger           focus on issues related to the economic necessity of work. The following quotes           of Marie, Julie, Mája and Gita exemplify this point:             1   We would like to thank our reviewer for pointing out these limitations.","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for dePendent eLderLy faMILy MeMbers… 19                      Marie  (57/86/LE) : Well, I don’t know anyone who would go to work                          2                                    3                    just for fun without getting paid. So, probably for money too, of course.                    But nonetheless it’s work I like doing.                    Julie (52/75/LE): We have to be glad to have a job. At least that’s the                    way I see it, because I’m afraid that if I didn’t have this job, well with the                    experience I have had, with a husband at home who has a university                    degree and who isn’t stupid or lazy, yet still at 59 years old he can’t                    find a job. So I am quiet and work, and if they tell me to come to work                    on Saturday, I thank them and come, because I also work in a foreign                    company. Our management is also foreign. So you have to look at it like                    this, that today the situation on the labour market is so difficult…                     Mája (46/75/HE): I wouldn’t want to be just a housewife. I couldn’t                    handle it if all day I had to just clean, wash, iron, take care of the                    family. You need to get out amongst people. And otherwise I like the                    job. I always wanted to work with children, so it’s also a bit of a hobby.                    Of course the financial part is important too.                     Gita (49/69/HE): Because I consider that to be a normal regimen. That                    I wake up in the morning. I go to work. Because once upon a time work                    made humans out of monkeys, so I tell myself that it might change me                    too. You need money, so that I can pay to relax. It’s also true that after,                    when I hear someone’s opinion that I have two degrees, and therefore                    I could do something about it, instead I go study something so I don’t                    have to, I guess. /laughter/ Like I enjoy work. Whatever, any kind of                    education, any kind of new things interest me.                  The respondents, especially those with lower educational attainment, perceive              their job as key to achieving a certain financial security in their lives. With the              exception of one respondent (Vilma, who is already retired and works part time),              all respondents are in full-time employment. The fear of unemployment, together              with structural factors, plays an important role in their perception of work. Since              the caring benefit amounts from 800 CZK (32 EUR) to 12,000 CZK (480 EUR)              per month and employers in the Czech Republic rarely offer the possibility of              flexible working arrangements such as part-time jobs or flexible working hours,              the caregiver (most often women) has to keep her full-time job in order to earn              a living (cf. Chapter 1 and Chapter 4). Hence women either lack the option of              reducing their working hours or they cannot afford to do so for financial reasons.              Nor is it possible for them to leave their job to provide care on a full-time basis.              Despite the fact that the financial motivation for paid employment tends to be              secondary for the respondents with higher educational attainment, it is still an                2   The names of the respondents have been changed.                3   The information in the brackets indicates the age of the respondent, the age of the dependent              elderly  for  whom  they  care  and  their  level  of  educational  attainment  (LE  –  lower  educational              attainment, ISCED 1-3; HE – higher educational attainment ISCED 4-8).","10                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             important issue for them, especially as the caring benefit is too insufficient to allow           women to leave their jobs. Furthermore, in both focus groups the respondents           reflected uncertainties on the labour market related to the financial crises, but           also to their age – the large majority of FG respondents (12 out of 16) was over           45 years old and perceived their position on the labour market as potentially           insecure. The above quote by Julie exemplifies this fear.              However, what turned out to be a key aspect in making work meaningful for           the respondents of both FG discussions are the social contacts at their work place.           This is particularly true when they do not have children at home and spend most           of their free time providing care. In this regard, for many participants, their work           is an important opportunity to take their minds off things at home, especially           the care for the family and the elder who in many cases lives in the respondent’s           household. The following quote by Linda illustrates this aspect very well:                  Linda (40/67/LE): And sometimes people go to work, you could say, to                 relax, to unwind. Because at home… it’s the same thing over and over                 – the kids – mom, there is always something you have to take care of,                 take care of them. So often I look forward to work, where you can really                 have a good talk with someone.               Since  the  respondents  dedicate  most  of  their  spare  time  to  caring  duties,           their work is an opportunity for change and to a certain extent compensates           for their lack of spare time. The respondents’ labour market participation takes           on the meaning of leaving behind their caring duties. For the respondents, their           “spare” time (in the sense of relaxation) is related to the time that they spend           in their gainful employment. They connect it with the opportunity to chat with           colleagues, have a rest (from caring duties) and take their minds off their care-           related worries. Thus, to a certain extent, the fact that they started caring for a           dependent family member meant that their employment and free time changed           their usual meanings. From this point of view, the fact that the FG respondents of           both groups saw their labour market participation as a matter of course, forming           an important part of their lives, is not only related to the tradition of women’s           full time labour market participation described in Chapter 1, but also constitutes           a  certain  strategy  on  the  part  of  the  informal  carers  to  cope  with  their  care           responsibilities. These strategies are in accordance to earlier quantitative research           – cf. Chapter 4 as well as Jeřábek et al. (2013) and Veselá (2002).              6.2   elder Care arrangements and Dominant Care norms            The two focus group discussions showed a rather heterogeneous picture of caring           needs and arrangements, within which the FG respondents play different roles           (cf. the short description of the respondents and their care arrangements at the           end of the chapter). The majority of the respondents have taken over caring for           one close family member and, in some cases for two. The care needs of these","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for dePendent eLderLy faMILy MeMbers… 141                elderly dependents span a wide range of individual situations, from specific care              related to illnesses such as dementia, diabetes, and post-injury recovery, to more              general, everyday assistance including personal care, household help and social              contact. Thus, the time invested in caring varies. Based on the experiences of              the focus group respondents we will present how the FG respondents perceive              their care responsibilities and their care arrangement as well as discuss to what              kind of care norms and values they relate them to. We will do so based on three              different types of care arrangements for frail elderly family members represented              in the focus group discussions – informal care, informal care in combination with              professional home care services and residential care.                 For  the  respondents,  caring  for  their  close  dependent  family  members  is              strongly related to normative considerations of how these relatives should be              cared for. In this respect, there was a broad consensus in both groups that the              most central point is to enable their dependent elderly family members to stay in              the home/family environment as long as possible. The following quote of Matylda              exemplifies this very well:                     Matylda (41/65/LE): Because it’s better for that person. They’re used                    to it.                    Moderator: Yeah. They are in their own environment.                    Matylda (41/65/LE): It’s like you transplant a fully-grown tree.                  Hence for the FG respondents in both groups, this is a central reason why they              are involved in care and they perceive their support of their frail family members              as related to very similar values and feelings: Nina speaks about “human behavior”,              Vilma uses the term “basic decency”. Gita even mentions that she “considers it as              a completely normal thing”; for Lada and Jarmila it is a “matter of course”; and              Pavla speaks about the “natural development of things”. Moreover, the respondents              share a strong conviction that care is a family duty; therefore, the needs of the              elderly should be met first and foremost within the family environment – for              similar results cf. for example Jeřábek et al. (2013) and Přidalová (2006; 2007a).              The following quotes by Diana and Linda give good examples for this point:                     Moderator: And do you think that you have an obligation to take care                    of your relatives?                    Diana (51/77/LE): Well, as far as my parents go, yes.                    Linda  (40/67,  67/LE):  Well,  I  know  for  example  that  my  parents                    took care of their parents. Also my husband’s mother took care of her                    parents, her dad and mom, all the way until the end. Until they died.                    She switched back and forth with her sister. Maybe my husband sees                    an example in them, that that is just the right way. If we have the                    opportunity, if we are able to take care of them and they want us to,                    well then there is no problem.                  That is, close family relationships lead to the feeling of filial obligation and              relate the decision making about care arrangements to the idea of reciprocity of","12                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             care between parents and children. As the following quotes by Mája and Pavla           show:                  Moderator: …Mája, what is your situation like? What was the decision                 to provide care yourself, and not anyone else, like?                 Mája (46/75/HE): Because my brother-in-law and sister-in-law don’t                 live in Brno and my husband works several jobs, it was pretty apparent                 who was going to do it. /laughter/                 Moderator: Well, that it was left to you, but you didn’t have to.                 Mája (46/75/HE): I didn’t, but just like everyone else has said, they are                 your relatives after all. They’re parents. So we can’t just leave them. My                 conscious would…                 pavla (30/80/HE): And they took care of us, so we should take care of                 them.                 Mája (46/75/HE): My conscious would never allow me to do that.               The respondents reason that since their parents provided care for them, they           have a certain right to receive care from them. The explanation of the decision           for informal care is based on the feeling that the elderly deserve to be cared for at           home since they cared for the younger generation before. At the same time, this           perception is also related to a potential future reciprocity. In this respect, the FG           participants see their informal care as an investment in their own future, as they           expect their children to continue this pattern and take care of them when they are           older. For example Lada, Isabela, Ilona, Gita and Evelína agree that through their           caring they want to set an example and teach their own children how to behave           towards their parents. They want to reproduce these norms and socialize their           own children to accept them – for similar results cf. for example Jeřábek et al.           (2013) and Přidalová (2006; 2007a). This is also outlined in the following quotes           by Nina, Julie and Ilona:                  Nina  (41/65,  66/LE):  …maybe  I  will  be  in  a  similar  situation  in                 25 years. What would I want? For my children to throw me into a                 nursing home? Would I be a burden on them? Or how would I want                 them to behave towards me?                 Moderator:  That’s  exactly  what  I  am  asking.  How  it  is.  Is  it  our                 responsibility, or…                 Julie (52/75/LE): I think that our behaviour sets an example for our                 children, and I assume that when they see that I can take care of mom,                 that they also won’t shove me somewhere and they won’t just come to                 visit.                 Ilona (47/75/HE): Well, I didn’t have much time to make a decision. It                 was a done deal for me. Either put mom in an institution, but I didn’t                 know where, or take her home.                 Moderator: This here is what interests me. How did you decide, you                 personally, whether you would take her home or you would put her in                 an institution?","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for dePendent eLderLy faMILy MeMbers… 14                      Ilona (47/75/HE): I had made up my mind. I had made up my mind                    that I wouldn’t put her in an institution.                    Moderator: Why?                    Ilona (47/75/HE): Because she took care of my grandfather, who died                    when he was almost 102 and just because I saw her take care of her                    relatives or of her father and how I was supposed to put her somewhere                    where she was guaranteed to die.                  That is, in both groups there was a very strong consensus that care work is a              family duty and the ideal care arrangement is provided in the family environment              and/or a familiar environment. Though in many cases the women respondents can              fall back upon the help and support of other family members in their caring tasks,              they nevertheless mostly carry the main responsibility for the care arrangement              and do not perceive the support of other family members as a matter of course.              Lada for example very well exemplifies how the FG respondents approach caring.              For her, care tasks are a natural part of her life and not only of hers, but in general              of a woman’s life. In this regard, the role of the husband (or male partner) is to              tolerate the partner’s caring tasks and/or support her, rather than to take over the              main caring responsibilities.                     Lada (39/60/HE): I decided that since I am an only child… I don’t                    have a father… My mom is alone, so of course I just had to take care of                    her. And because back…                    Moderator: Why did you say “of course”? You could have considered                    other ways, right?                    Lada (39/60/HE): Well, I just wanted to say that this year it will be                    14 years already since I took care of grandma, like the mother of my                    mother, who was also sick with cancer. At the time I was on maternity                    leave. So for one year it was like I took care of grandma and therefore I                    just couldn’t see it any other way. For me it was a matter of course when                    I had taken care of my grandmother, well I would help my mother too.                    But the truth is that because she came to live with our family, well I had                    to talk it over with my husband. But I have to say, my husband agreed                    to it and really didn’t express any negative opinions about the idea. But                    it is true that we expected that her disease would take a turn for the                    better a little bit, so we’ll see what awaits us, how it is. How it will be.                  Hence,  the  described  normative  context  of  filial  obligation,  reciprocity,              responsibility as well as being a good example for one’s own children strongly              motivates (or even forces) women to care for their close relatives (especially in              case of parents and parents-in-law). According to the FG participants, the main              responsibility for care is in the hands of the family. They did not discuss individual              responsibility and they also see the responsibility of the state as only secondary              or supplementary to those cases where the family can no longer handle the care              alone. From this point of view, ideal care arrangements are those that provide","1                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             care  within  the  family.  However,  when  needed,  care  can  be  supplemented  by           professional home care services.              The question of supplementing informal care with professional home care           services became an issue for many of the FG respondents due to changes in the care           needs of their dependent elderly family members. Often a combination of several           factors lead to this decision, e.g. exhaustion of informal carers, a worsening of the           mutual relationship, the working conditions of the carer, the recommendation of           the general practitioner. In the following quote this is exemplified by Julie, who           speaks about the moment when her family decided to make use of professional           social services (a visiting nurse).                 Julie (52/75/LE): We used to be able to handle it ourselves, and then                 we found out that it was too much for us. I was able to get out of                 work, and then afterwards I had to work extra hours really hard. So                 after a meeting with the general practitioner, we started to deal with                 it, so that we could have a little relief, so that we weren’t so tired from                 rushing around and so mom wasn’t stressed. Because sometimes she                 viewed it negatively, too. When we ran home and didn’t know where to                 start first. If I have to check the medicine that I also got ready for her,                 if she really took it like she was supposed to. Or maybe the food that                 I cooked for her. If she didn’t leave it in the microwave when she put                 it in there to heat up and then didn’t know what she was doing and                 just sat and waited for us to come home. Well, now I am calmer. I can                 handle everything better and I don’t have to worry that I’ll come home                 and that sometimes there will be … a problem.               At the same time, this quote shows how strong the norm of caring within           the family is, as Julie’s situation had to reach a certain point of unmanageability           before they decided to make use of home care services. Matylda’s relationship           with her mother was similarly improved by the use of professional care services:                  Matylda (41/65/LE): I confused my mother with a child. Right from                 the start I simply tried to take care of her as if I was raising children.                 And I just mixed up that relationship really… all of a sudden I caught                 myself treating her like a child and we were even already, as they say,                 at the edge. We had a few good fights. And once that caregiver started                 working,  well  that  like  cleaned  the  situation  right  up.  The  air  was                 cleared, and now we take it differently. The fact that a third person                 has come on to the scene has rather enhanced our relationship. The                 relationship is so…                 Moderator: The tension let up a little.                 Matylda (41/65/LE): Yes, yes. I was stressed and afraid at the same                 time, if I could handle it all. Once that third person was there, it just                 got everything off my chest. So, it’s sort of better now.","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for dePendent eLderLy faMILy MeMbers… 14                   As the two quotes of Matylda and Julie show, these home care services can help              to handle the care situation better and relieve the informal carers from certain              pressures.  This  use  of  home  care  services  is  in  line  with  the  basic  normative              framework of providing care in the family environment, as it enables keeping              the dependent elderly person within the familiar environment. The decision to              make use of residential elderly care services, by contrast, is deeply contested. This              appeared in both focus group discussions in relation to the question of changing              care needs in the future and with regards to how the two respondents who actually              had their dependent elderly family members in institutional care presented and              legitimated this fact.                 As far as the former is concerned, when reflecting on the potential worsening              of the care needs of their dependent elderly family members, the FG respondents              noted that the potentially decisive factor in their decision to send their parents              to a retirement home would be when they no longer had the physical ability to              continue in their role as primary caregivers. An important point they discussed in              this regard was when the elderly dependent becomes bedridden and/or requires              permanent  professional  medical  care  –  as  the  discussion  between  Julie,  Nina,              Vilma and Matylda shows below:                     Moderator: … When does it kind of go beyond this borderline, when                    does it…?                    Julie  (52/75/LE):  When  the  state  of  health  requires,  for  example,                    constant medical care and surveillance.                    Nina (41/65,66/LE): I would say I have experiences with a bedridden                    patient. When it gets to the point where it does not work without the                    supervision of a doctor anymore. But I would say, that I would be very                    careful in choosing where, to what kind of institution, to what kind of                    facility. Because as I would say, we have this kind of experience, that                    these people really suffered bedsores.                    Vilma (64/90/LE): When the person is bedridden and one is all alone,                    then you can’t handle that.                    Julie (52/75/LE): You can’t lift him. And if you lift him several times a                    day, your back will start hurting.                    Matylda (41/65/LE): If I had the money, then I would probably pay                    for a home nurse, I would like to cover 24 hours and if I really did have                    the money for that, then I would again pay for this home nurse and I                    would try to keep the person at home, so that my mom would be as                    much as possible in her home surrounding.                  As this quotation shows, even in the environment where the elderly person              completely loses his/her self-sufficiency, the norm of homecare remains intact              – as exemplified in Matylda’s wish to finance 24 hour home care. The norm is              further enforced by negative experiences with institutional care and a related lack              of trust in these institutions (Nina). Hence, institutional care is perceived as a last              resort for cases which exceed the respondents’ caring abilities and possibilities of","1                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             financing more extensive home care. However, institutional care has to be selected           carefully as the quality of provided care is ambiguous for the respondents.              Given this general perception of institutional elderly care, the actual decision           to put an elderly dependent family member in institutional care is very hard           for the respondents. The related pressures are very well exemplified by the case           of Darina, who was the only respondent in the group with higher educational           attainment who has a close relative in institutional care. She admits that it was a           very difficult decision for her to place her mother in an elderly home, which she           however had to take, as her family realized that they could no longer manage           to provide enough care for her mother who is suffering from depression and           dementia.                  Darina (60/80/HE): Difficult decisions, because I never imagined that                 essentially what happened would happen. And because I was already                 taking care of my husband’s parents. It has been a while, when dad was                 still alive, well he always told me after two months: “Please, we have to                 send her back to the psychiatry ward so they can think of something                 new or fix her medication.” Because the states she would get in were                 horrible. And, after dad died and it was all up to us. … to put it briefly,                 it became unbearable. And I still haven’t been able to come to grips                 with it, so at least we decided that we would visit her every day. We try                 to get there on Friday and Saturday. But as I am saying…                 Moderator: That you don’t have the strength.                 Darina (60/80/HE): It didn’t work anyway. I recall, that not even dad,                 when he was basically home with her, that he wasn’t even capable of                 dealing with her, and we always had to go there, go shopping, cook.                 Saturdays and Sundays of course.                 Moderator: And Darina what was your final decision like?                 Darina (60/80/HE): Well, it was up to only me and my sister.                 Moderator: So there are two of you.                 Darina (60/80/HE): Yes. Part of the family definitely agrees with it,                 another part is definitely against it. But I always say anyone who hasn’t                 tried it, well they would probably…                 Moderator: Surely. That’s why I am asking…                 Darina (60/80/HE): They don’t know what it’s like.              The way Darina presents her decision (and how she repeatedly returned to the           issue during the FG discussion) suggests that she feels guilty about it and perceives           it as a kind of failure to fulfill her care responsibilities, which she compensates for           by visiting her mother daily. Marie elaborates on the difficulty in making such a           decision. She is the only respondent in the FG with lower educational attainment           who had her relative in an elderly home. The central difference between her and           Darina was that Marie did not have to take the decision on her own; it was her           father, who decided that he would like to stay in an elderly home. The way Marie           talks about this care arrangement emphasizes that she would not have made this           decision on her own, as she sees it as a certain moral failure:","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for dePendent eLderLy faMILy MeMbers… 14                      Marie (57/86/LE): Like to put your parents in a nursing home. You                    don’t do that. It’s horrible.                  Additionally she mentions that this decision was a response to his social needs              (after his wife had died) and mobility problems. Marie also argues that he did              not eat enough food and did not drink regularly. Now he is under some sort of              “surveillance” in the retirement home.                 Marie’s way of presenting her father’s decision to move to an elderly home              again very clearly exemplifies the central and prevailing norm which importantly              frames the respondents’ decision making on care arrangements. As outlined in              this section, based on the ways the FG respondents perceive and present their              care arrangements, the central norm in elder care is to enable the frail elderly              to stay in the home/family environment as long as possible. From this point of              view ideal caring arrangements are those that provide care within the family.              While the use of professional home care services to support the informal care              giver is in line with this norm, institutional care is seen as breaking it. The latter              is further reinforced by the respondents’ negative experiences with the quality              of institutional care and related social services. Hence, the FG participants see              institutional care as a last resort, in cases where they are no longer able to handle              the care at home. However, what exactly defines manageable care is ambiguous,              and therefore the related decision making is perceived as very difficult and at risk              of being evaluated (by others) as moral failure – for similar results cf. for example              Přidalová (2006, 2007a).                 The focus of this section, on the ways the FG respondents perceive their care              responsibilities and their related care arrangements, showed that the identified              perceptions  are  equally  important  for  the  respondents  of  both  focus  groups,              independent  of  their  educational  attainment.  This  suggests  that  the  identified              elderly care norms are widely accepted. Moreover, they are in accordance with the              central strategic policy conceptions for elder care presented in Chapter 4, which              similarly emphasize the individual support of the person’s life in his/her “natural              environment”. However, this general agreement on basic care norms does not              automatically mean that the policy context fully supports the carers’ strategies in              relation to decision making about their labour market integration and elder care              arrangements. This is especially relevant as these central policy documents only              superficially reflect that care work in the family environment is first and foremost              done by women (cf. Chapter 4). Hence, in the following section we will focus on              this point.                 6.3   Decision Making on Labour Market Integration and elder Care                    arrangements               The elder care arrangements of the respondents in both focus groups show that              the extent of care needs on the part of the dependent elderly family member is not              necessarily the only factor which influences the form of the care arrangements.","1                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             Rather, the focus group discussions brought up a range of factors, independent of           the care needs of their family members, which basically influence the respondents’           care arrangement. In this respect, in the following we will discuss: the respondent’s           relationship to the frail elderly, their family and housing situation, their working           conditions,  the  care  benefit,  the  perceived  quality  of  social  services  and  the           accessibility of information on care services.           the relationship to the frail elderly dependent            As outlined in detail in the previous section, the idea of generational reciprocity           plays a central role in the respondents caring decisions. Hence, a close kinship,           especially  parental,  is  a  major  motivation  for  informal  care  in  the  family           environment and for the great efforts to keep the frail elderly family member           in the family environment as long as possible. This is exemplified by the case of           Evelína and how she perceives the decision making about the care arrangement           for her ex-mother-in-law:                  evelína  (57/81/HE):  And  then  grandpa  (my  former  father-in-law)                 came back from the hospital, and then he was at home about half a                 year. But we had to leave grandma (my former mother-in-law) there,                 because he saw it too, that he absolutely wouldn’t be able to handle it                 with her. That it was impossible. Because it was truly bad and then                 again on the other hand considering that it was my former mother-in-                 law, that decision was easier for me to make then if I had to deal with                 my own parents, I guess.               At the same time however, the decision to provide informal care influences           the  relationship  between  the  informal  carer  and  the  elder.  The  relationship           between the respondents and their parents was an especially sensitive topic, full           of emotions in both focus group discussions. It seemed that for some respondents           it was the first opportunity to talk about such personal matters. Several of them           experienced the changing roles, of those who care and those who are cared for, as           difficult to understand and deal with for both sides. These emotional aspects of           care potentially intensify the pressure of norm and obligation for the respondents.           This is exemplified in detail in the following part of the FG discussion:                  Matylda (41/65/HE): I confused my mother with a child. Right from                 the start I simply tried to take care of her as if I was raising children.                 And I just mixed up that relationship really… all of a sudden I caught                 myself treating her like a child and we were even already, as they say,                 at the edge. We had a few good fights. And once that caregiver started                 working, well that cleaned the situation right up. The air was cleared,                 and now we take it differently. The fact that a third person has come                 on to the scene has rather enhanced our relationship. The relationship                 is so…                 Moderator: The tension let up a little.","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for dePendent eLderLy faMILy MeMbers… 149                      Matylda (41/65/HE): Yes, yes. I was stressed and afraid at the same                    time, if I could handle it all. Once that third person is there, it just got                    everything off my chest. So, it’s sort of better now.                    Moderator:  How  does  providing  care  influence  how  you  deal  with                    your relationship?                    Vilma (64/90/HE): …Of course today she’s already used to having                    me there when she knows that I will leave, because she will then have                    peace and quiet, the evening news, etc… but it’s just that they are like                    ashamed, that someone has to take care of them.                    /Julie (52/75/HE) nods/                    Vilma (64/90/HE): That’s the way it is, but I say, it’s until they get used                    to it. You see, that’s the way I got it somehow, because my dad died                    around six years ago. He was 86 and he had cancer that progressed so                    quickly that within a half year he was just gone, and they sent him to a                    sanatorium, but then he literally begged us not to send him anywhere,                    that they leave him at home so that we can take care of him. So truly,                    what a tough half year it was because he just really lay in bed the                    whole time. When you see your own father begging you not to send him                    anywhere, to let him stay at home…                    Moderator: Yes, that is very difficult.                    Vilma  (64/90/HE):  That’s  when  you  first  realize  that  is  very  hard,                    I can say. Before they get used to it, as you are saying, like they are                    children. You can spank a child, you can, but some old people are just                    plain bad. You want to help them but they want to do it themselves, so                    it’s just so…                    Julie (52/75/HE): Because they don’t want to admit at all that they                    can’t manage anymore, that they are dependent on our help. Because                    they still see the children in us.                 With regard to these often complicated relationships some of the respondents              report, much like Matylda, that the involvement of professional caring services in              the care arrangements helped to improve the relationship. Hence, the development              of the caring relationship is also related to the respondents’ decision making about              the involvement of home care services.               the family and housing situation               As  outlined  in  the  first  section  of  this  chapter,  all  FG  participants  reconcile              work and care at the expense of their free time. Still, their successful reconciling              importantly depends on the help of a broad network of informal supporters who              help them to manage the care at home (apart from social services). In the first              place it is the family: children (especially daughters) or partners and even other              members of the broader family cooperate in caring – especially the respondents’              friends and friends of the elderly, who contribute to caring by visiting the elderly              or helping them in acute situations when the main carers (usually daughters or              daughter-in-laws) are at work. This shows that elder care requires a well-organized","150                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             cooperation and a network of supporters who are “on the phone” and are available           to help in acute situations.              Moreover, in the cases of the FG respondents, the housing situation was often a           factor which played a role in the decision making about whether to use home care           services or not. In those cases, where the respondents provide care on their own           (without the help of professional home care services, the dependent elder already           lived with them, moved in, or lived very close to the informal carers, which made           the care work easier. When the elder lived further away from the respondents, by           contrast, home care services were often used (for example providing meals).            the working conditions            Working conditions also play a central role in supporting women in their informal           care. Flexible working hours are very helpful as Marie and Linda mention. Also           Vilma, who works part-time, is able to adjust her working hours (whether she           works in the morning or afternoon). Finally, Isabela, who works as a programmer,           even has the option of working from home. Arranging flexible working hours is,           by contrast, especially difficult for those who work as doctors (Darina) or teachers           (Mája, Ilona). In general however, flexible working hours and/or part time work           are not very common in the Czech Republic (cf. Chapter 1).              On  a  more  informal  level,  Linda,  Nina,  Lada,  Isabela  Pavla  and  Jarmila           appreciate  their  understanding  bosses  and  colleagues  who  support  them  in           reconciling their caring duties with their work. Only Gita claims that her boss is           not very supportive and, rather, complicates her caring tasks – for example, she           is not allowed to make private phone calls during her working time (she had to           teach her mother how to send SMS).            the care benefit            Although both the ministerial strategy (MPSV 2007) and informal carers support           the central norm of enabling the elderly to stay in his/her natural environment           as long as possible, current elder care policies do not enable women to stay at           home or to decrease their working hours to work part-time. In this respect the           FG participants argue that the care benefit is too low to compensate for the loss of           income and the bureaucratic steps needed to get the benefit are too complicated.           In this respect, the FG participants also criticize the process of examination and           decision making about the benefit level. According to them, it is not objective and           does not correspond to the actual situation of the elderly. As outlined in detail           in Chapter 4, the level of the care benefit is based on the elderly person’s “degree           of dependency,” which is determined by a social worker in co-operation with a           doctor, and depends on the elderly person’s degree of self-sufficiency. However,           some of the respondents (e.g. Lada) have the impression that this evaluation aims           at keeping the level of the benefit as low as possible. Thus, for her, the bureaucratic           requirements are too high, seeing as how she will probably end up with the lowest           level of benefit anyway.","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for dePendent eLderLy faMILy MeMbers… 11                      Lada  (39/60/HE):  What  about  care  benefits?  I  found  out  on  the                    Internet where it was written that you have to meet ten points to get                    two thousand, the lowest amount. So you have to meet…                    Gita (49/69/HE): I think it’s 800.                    Lada (39/60/HE): Sorry. 800. Eight hundred. So you have to meet four                    points. When like I looked at it. I was looking for it. Well, I said to                    myself I see it, yes. But I have the feeling that they are so strict about                    really giving you 800 crowns, that I said: “Well, it’d be better for you to                    keep your money.”                  In the FG discussions the care benefit was not mentioned as a specifically              supporting factor. Rather, the general consensus was that it is too low to finance              appropriate care. Those respondents who use professional home care services              experience  financial  constraints.  This  lack  of  money  is  especially  an  issue  for              participants with lower educational attainment, as Diana’s quote exemplifies:                     Diana (51/77/LE): She gets care benefits of something like 800 CZK,                    and she needs more so that the caregiver can come more often. Because                    those services are really expensive and she, because she is sick, really                    has to put a lot of her money towards medicine.                  From this point of view the question arises, whether the care benefit in fact              supports the main policy goal of enabling the elderly to arrange the care they              need  to  the  extent  they  need,  or  if  it  rather  contributes  to  the  prevalence  of              unpaid informal care. For the informal carers in the focus groups, the caring              benefit was definitely not sufficient remuneration, in the sense of compensating              them for their care work. Rather, they saw it as a partial contribution to financing              the overall care arrangement for their dependent elderly family member.               the perceived quality of social services               Home care services are central to reconciling the respondents’ care responsibilities              with their gainful employment. The use of these services allows the carers to              have more (or at least some) time for themselves and their families. This is the              most positive factor for them. Without a visiting nurse, they would more often              experience stress, exhaustion, and time pressure. As Nina says in the following              quotation, she could not work full time without nursing, which would again mean              financial constraints for her.                    Moderator: If there weren’t these possibilities, how would it work for                    you?                    Nina (41/65,66/LE): I would have a part-time job, and my partner                    and I would have to take care of them. I would have no other option.                    I definitely would not be able to spend a lot of time at work.","152                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?                In Brno both private and public nursing services for the elderly are available.           The public services provided by the municipality are cheaper, but have conditions           that limit use. For example, as Diana pointed out, the extent and frequency of the           provided public care services depends on the level of dependency of the elderly           dependent (as well as the category of caring benefit). Furthermore, opening hours           are short and the period of provided care is limited. The FG participants usually           use these services for the delivery of lunches, personal care and household help           for several hours during the day. Although the participants do not actively use           private services they have an opinion or at least some idea about them. They see           private services as more expensive, but also as responding better to the needs of           the elderly and carers (longer opening hours, evening and weekend availability,           etc.). Since financial constraints play a key role in decision making about the use           of care services among the FG participants with lower educational attainment,           these  participants  do  not  choose  private  services  –  as  Matylda  argues  in  the           following quote:                  Matylda (41/65/LE): Well, and at the time we originally wanted to                 get a private care company. But we would never have been able to pay                 for it. Mom went into early retirement, so there isn’t too much money,                 because she was collecting lower early retirement benefits and went                 right into collecting normal retirement benefits and it all really went                 down to that money. And that’s why there’s no money there and I don’t                 make so much... so for the time being we leave it to the city district.                 It’s like really cheap and the women there are qualified. So for now                 we are leaving it to the state-run system. We will see what the future                 will hold. Like she is getting worse, but slowly, because she has that                 musculoskeletal problem. So we shall see what happens. For the time                 being the state option is enough.              When it comes to residential elder care facilities in Brno, the FG participants           evaluate them as insufficient. Although the FG respondents see institutional care           as the last option, they still see low capacities, long waiting times and low quality of           care in elder homes as very problematic. Several respondents agree that the quality           of care would improve with more personnel and hence a lower client to social           worker/nurse ratio. Further negative issues brought up by the FG participants           as related to their negative perception of institutional elder care were favoritism           and bribes. The FG participants talked about favoritism and the need/possibility           of bribes when they want to shorten waiting times for residential care. In some           elder homes, waiting times are up to several years (Darina for example admitted           that without favoritism she would not have been able to place her mother into an           elderly home without a long waiting time. Evelína tells a similar story related to           placing her mother-in-law in an elderly home for people with dementia. These           factors underscore the respondents’ skepticism towards residential elderly care           and complicate their decision making on placing their frail elderly family member           in such a facility when they themselves are not further able to care.","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for dePendent eLderLy faMILy MeMbers… 1                Information on available care options               Usually,  the  FG  participants  obtained  important  information  about  available              care services from their acquaintances and friends (who either have their own              experiences with care or work at the municipality or in hospitals). The internet              is also a useful tool for some of them. However, many of the respondents are              dissatisfied with the information they get from their general practitioners or other              types of doctors. In this respect, the FG participants describe the information              about  specific  services  as  a “rare  commodity”  that  they  can  get  only  through              connections. This is exemplified in the following quotes by Lada, Ilona and Gita:                    Lada (39/60/HE): She (my acquaintance) advised me and said that                    today there is even home hospice here in Brno. But otherwise she didn’t                    have information when I kind of tried to dig deeper. Because mom has                    fluctuating moods, depending on the situation. So I get the feeling that                    either I am very curious, or people around me aren’t accepting of it, or                    that there is no need to give information.                    Ilona (47/75/HE): That’s true. You have to do everything…                    Lada (39/60/HE): Everything by yourself.                    Ilona (47/75/HE): Find things out like that from people you know.                    Moderator: So, you didn’t get information about various services from                    medical personnel or something like that?                    Ilona (47/75/HE): Go on!                    Lada (39/60/HE): No.                    Gita (49/69/HE): I was so lucky that I ran into that one doctor who                    is always able to help me. On top of that I studied special education                    myself, so I knew enough about what care is like. I know because of my                    studies, but otherwise… /shakes head/                  Concerning  this  perceived  lack  of  information,  it  is  interesting  that  the              respondents do not refer to the department of social affairs at the municipality,              which is actually supposed to provide them with such information. At the same              time, this perceived lack of information also has an important systemic background:              the fact that on a practical level social and health needs are interconnected, as the              worsening of a person’s health and subsequent hospitalization in a health care              facility is often related to increasing needs of social services (e.g. the cases of              Ilona, Lada and Gita), is not reflected in the organization of social and health              care. The interconnection of health and social agendas, as well as the provision              of information on both, is insufficient on all levels of elder care policy (from              ministries, municipalities to service providers). Hence, the information which the              respondents expect to be provided by one source is, in fact, scattered over two              different system units and therefore is more difficult to obtain.","15                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             6.4.  Conclusions             Based  on  the  above  outline  of  the  particular  factors  influencing  the  decision           making of the focus group respondents, we can now discuss the overall picture           of  the  focus  group  respondents’  decision  making  about  their  labour  market           participation and care arrangements. Decision making on how the FG respondents’           close frail relatives care needs are met is influenced by strong care norms, the           most important of which is the aim to enable the elderly dependent to stay in           their known home/family environment as long as possible (cf . Přidalová 2006,           2007a for similar results). This norm/aim is part of the governmental strategy           for elder care policies and at the same time forms the point of departure for the           decision making of the FG respondents.              During the discussions, the force of this norm was especially exemplified by           how Marie repeatedly presented and explained the fact that her father moved to a           residential home. While she herself would not have taken this decision, her father           decided  on  his  own  to  move  there  (expecting  more  extensive  social  contacts           there, which he had lost after his wife’s death). Similarly Darina also repeatedly           reflected and explained her (difficult) decision to place her mother in an elderly           home. From the point of view of this strong norm of “enabling the elderly to           stay in the home/family environment as long as possible”, institutional care is           perceived as a last resort, for those cases where the care needs can no longer           be met in the family/home environment (bedridden patients, patients that need           non-stop medical surveillance). For these cases, especially if the elderly person is           a close relative (especially parents or parents-in-law), the norm of “enabling the           elderly to stay in their known home/family environment as long as possible” also           applies to a certain extent. Some of the focus group respondents (e.g. Matylda)           also discuss the possibility of enabling care in the home/family environment for           more complicated cases with 24 hour professional care services.              In this regard, the FG discussions brought up two important points which           constrain  the  focus  group  respondents  from  achieving  a  satisfying  care           arrangement for their frail elderly relatives. Firstly, a lack of trust in institutional           care and the perception of this form of care as being of low quality. During the           discussions,  the  respondents  repeatedly  brought  up  certain  characteristics  of           institutional care, which they see as problematic (especially too high ratios of           patients to carer, long waiting hours, low pay and bad working conditions for           the caring personnel). This perception of institutional care not only enforces the           norm of “enabling care in the home/family environment as long as possible” but           at the same time (as brought up e.g. by Matylda and Darina, but also discussed           by Nina) it limits the acceptance of this form of care for more complicated cases           (bedridden patients, patients that need non-stop medical surveillance) – e.g. Nina           talks about the necessity of choosing institutional care very carefully. Secondly,           financial constraints are a central point, especially for the FG with respondents           with lower education.              These financial constraints are threefold and reinforce each other. The level of           state support in the form of the caring benefit is rather low and within the existing           system of defining the benefit level, some respondents see a certain tendency to","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for dePendent eLderLy faMILy MeMbers… 1                keep the level of the granted benefit low. This problem is also reflected in the fact              that some respondents report the need to co-finance care/medication for their              dependent elderly family members. At the same time, public social services are              seen as financially available and their provision is evaluated by the respondents              as being sufficient, but also as restricted in relation to the granted caring benefits              and  the  extent  of  services  provided  (opening  hours,  etc.).  Private  services,              which allow a more flexible use, are in turn financially available mainly for the              respondents with higher educational attainment, however not necessarily to the              extent to which they would perceive as ideal. Finally, in the context of the Czech              Republic, part-time work is not widely used/available and if it is available, it is              financially often unsustainable. Hence, as reported by the FG participants, there              is (apart from the norm of full-time work for women) also an important financial              need (especially for the respondents with lower educational attainment) to keep              their full-time job, despite caring responsibilities. This need is further enforced              by the low level of state support in the form of the caring benefit, which, if paid              to an informal carer, does not compensate for the loss of income stemming from              the reduction of working hours.                 This leads to a clear picture of the respondents’ decision making about their              labour market participation. The respondents in both focus groups work full time              (with the exception of Vilma, who is already retired, yet continues to work part              time) and have to reconcile their duties stemming from gainful employment with              their caring responsibilities. As pointed out before, this is mostly achieved by              cutting back their spare time. Hence for the FG respondents their job is not simply              a financial necessity (especially for the group with lower educational attainment),              or a source of self-fulfillment and realization (especially for the group with higher              educational attainment), but also provides social contact (for all respondents),              opportunities to socialize with other people and to take their minds off from their              caring duties. That is, their employment to a large extent compensates for their              lack of spare time, even if it means that they need to reconcile work and caring              responsibilities.                 In  this  situation,  public  social  services  play  an  important  role  in  allowing              women to work. However, these services do not allow them to achieve an ideal              work/life/care  balance.  For  many  of  the  respondents  with  lower  educational              attainment this ideal balance would be a solution where they have a part-time              job  that  allows  them  to  earn  their  living  in  combination  with  less  restricted              public care services and/or more financially available private caring services. By              contrast, for many of the respondents with higher educational attainment, this              ideal balance would be a solution where they can use home care services for their              whole full-time working time (only Gita can see a part-time job that would allow              her to earn a living as preferable to her current full-time job). This would allow              them to find an arrangement where they still have some spare time which is not              filled with caring duties.                 The respondents took for granted their current lack of spare time as well as              how the meaning of spare time and time spent at their jobs has changed. This              shows another normative layer in the respondents’ decision making about their              work/care arrangements. In addition to the aim of enabling the elderly dependent","15                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             to stay in the home/family environment as long as possible, the question of who           should provide care is also tied to normative considerations. As described before,           the respondents present their personal involvement in the caring arrangement           as  filial  obligation,  a  question  of  morality,  humanity  and  decency  as  well  as           generational solidarity, responsibility and reciprocity, also in the sense of being           a good example for one’s own children. Hence, according to the FG participants,           the responsibility for care is in the hands of the family. They do not mention           individual  responsibility  and  the  responsibility  of  the  state  stands  behind  or           rather supplements the responsibility of the family. This also provides a further           explanation of how the respondents perceive institutional care facilities as a last           resort when the family is no longer able to successfully provide sufficient care           for  the  frail  elderly  family  member. At  the  same  time,  the  experiences  of  the           FG respondents show that family care means first and foremost care by women           (daughter or daughter-in-law). Though many of the respondents provide care           in  cooperation  with  other  family  members,  they  nevertheless  carry  the  main           responsibility for the caring arrangements and often also provide the management           necessary to keep the care arrangement working.             ReFeRenCeS            Greenbaum, T., 1998. The Handbook for Focus Group Research. Thousands Oaks: Sage.           Hennink, M. M., 2007. International Focus Group Research: A Handbook for Health and Social              Sciences. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.           Jeřábek, H. et al., 2013. Mezigenerační solidarita v péči o seniory. (Intergenerational solidarity              in elderly care). Praha: SLON.           Kitzinger, J. \& Barbour, R. S., eds., 1999. Developing Focus Group Research: Politics, Theory and              Practice. London: Sage.           Krueger, R. A. \& Casey, M. A., 2000. Focus Groups: A Practical Guide for Applied Research.              Thousand Oaks: Sage.           Krueger, R., 1998a. Developing Questions for a Focus Group. Thousand Oaks: Sage.           Krueger, R., 1998b. Moderating Focus Groups. Thousand Oaks: Sage.           Morgan, D. L., 1996. Focus Groups. Annual Review of Sociology, 22, pp. 129–152.           Morgan, D. L., 1997. Focus Groups as Qualitative Research. Thousand Oaks: Sage.           MPSV, 2007. Koncepce podpory transformace pobytových sociálních služeb v jiné typy              sociálních služeb, poskytovaných v přirozené komunitě uživatele a podporující sociální              začlenění uživatele do společnosti. (The conception for the support of the transformation              of institutional social services to other types of social services, provided in the natural              community of the user and supporting the user’s social integration in the society).              [on-line], available: http://www.mpsv.cz/files/clanky/3858/Koncepce_podpory.pdf.              Downloaded: 2011-10-29.           Myers, G., 1998. Displaying opinions: topics and disagreement in focus groups. Language in              Society, 27(1), pp. 85–111.           Přidalová, M., 2006. Péče o staré rodiče – nový úděl mladších seniorů? (Care for old parents              – a new destiny of young seniors?). Sociální práce/Sociálna práca 2: 68–81.           Přidalová, M., 2007a. Mezi solidaritou a konfliktem: Zkušenost pečujících dcer a synů.              (Between solidarity and conflict: experiences of caring daughters and sons). Sociální              studia 4(1–2): 217–234.","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for dePendent eLderLy faMILy MeMbers… 1                Přidalová, M., 2007b. Pečující dcery a pečující synové (rozhodnutí, se kterým můžu žít). (Caring                 daughters and caring sons /a decision that I can accept/). IVRIS Working Papers 07/04.                 Brno: FSS MU.              Sayre, S., 2001. Qualitative Methods for Marketplace Research. London: Sage.              Tošnerová, T., 2001. Pocity a potřeby pečujících o starší rodinné příslušníky. (Feelings and                 needs of carers for older family members). Praha: Ambulance pro poruchy paměti, Ústav                 lékařské etiky 3. LF UK Praha.              Veselá, J., 2002. Představy rodinných příslušníků o zabezpečení péče nesoběstačným rodičům.                 (Notions of family members about caring arrangements for dependent parents). Praha:                 VÚPSV.              Wilkinson. S., 1998. Focus Groups in Feminist Research: Power, Interaction, and the                 Co-Construction of Meaning. Women’s Studies International Forum, 22(1), pp. 111–125.                 topics and questions of the FG discussions               TheMe…1:…WOMeN’S…WORK              (W1)   Will you tell us a little about your work and what it means to you.              (W2)   What are the things about working that are rewarding and make you feel good?              (W3)   Are there any negative aspects to your work?              TheMe…2:…ReSpONSIVeNeSS…TO…DepeNDeNT…eLDeRY…ReLaTIVeS’…CaRe…NeeDS              (EC1)  We know that there are many different kinds of care needs and care arrangements.                     I would like to start by asking you a little about the needs of your dependent elderly                     relatives and about how those needs are currently being met.              (EC2)  You have described a range of care needs and care arrangements. We know that                     there are many different ways that people respond to the care needs of dependent                     elderly relatives, for example with contact, assistance, advocacy, personal care and                     so on. Could you talk a little about your own responses to your dependent relatives’                     needs and your decision making about that.              (EC3)  Could you say a little about whether the care needs of your relatives have remained                     the same over time and whether your responses to those needs have changed.              (EC4)  Reflecting on your responses to your elderly relatives’ care needs, I would like now                     to explore ways in which your relationship with your dependent elder relative                     influenced your responses to their needs.              TheMe…3…ReCONCILING…eMpLOYMeNT,…FaMILY…LIFe…aND…eLDeR…CaRe…NeeDS              (R1)   What, if any, positive or negative effects have the care needs of your dependent                     elderly relatives had on your life in general, and on your working life in particular?              (R2)   I want to ask you about how public or private care services (ie., formal or non-                     family) make it easier or more difficult for you to continue in employment.              (R3)   In relation to the care arrangements for your dependent elder relative, I would                     like to ask you about the extent to which the care contributions of family members                     and others in your social network make it easier or more difficult for you to                     continue in employment.              (R4)   I would like to ask you now about your work and the extent to which your working                     conditions and work environment help or hinder you in responding to the care                     needs of your dependent elder relative.              (R5)   In the context of your dependent elderly relatives’ care needs, I would like to ask                     have any of you had to make a key decision about participation in work in the last                     five years and to describe that a little please.","15                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             TheMe…4…FaCILITaTING…eLDeR…CaRe,…WOMeN’S…eMpLOYMeNT…aND…pOLICY           (P1)   You have spoken about a range of care needs and a variety of responses and                  arrangements. Now I want to ask you for your views on what you think are the best                  ways of meeting the care needs of the elderly, especially the frail elderly.           (P2)   What changes in elder care policy (taxation, welfare benefits, etc.), care services,                  employment conditions would help employed women with dependent elder relatives                  with care needs?           (P3)   If you were looking for work now, do you think there are many opportunities in the                  workplace for you at present?           (P4)   In an ideal world, what would your perfect mix of work and care and family life be                  like?              Focus group – participants 4            JaRMILa is 39 years old, works full time as an ergotherapist, is single and childless. She cares              for her mother (72 years) and they live together. Her mother needs social contacts and              assistance (doctors, shopping), otherwise she is independent. Jarmila provides care alone              without any professional help.            LaDa is 39 years old, works full time as an assistant to an auditor, is married and has              2 children (15, 19). Lada cares for her mother (60 years old) who is an oncological patient              and needs “complete care”, i.e. personal care (bathing, meals, toileting, and assistance) and              household help. They live together in Lada’s place. Lada provides care alone without any              professional help (only with the support of her family). Lada has experience with the care              for her own grandmother (14 years ago) who was also an oncological patient. They have              not asked for any welfare benefits (they see it as a very difficult administrative process              with strict rules).            MÁJa is 46 years old, works as a teacher full time, is married and has two children (10, 17).              She cares for her father-in-law (75) who lives in his own home nearby. She cares for him              alone; he is almost independent but needs household help, assistance and meals.            paVLa is 30 years old, works full time as a librarian, lives with her partner and is childless.              She cares for her grandmother (80 years) who lives in her own home. (Pavla provides              care alone with the support of her partner and her mother.) The grandmother needs              assistance, household help and bathing.            DaRINa is 60 years old, works full time as a pediatrician (with shifts in a hospital), is              married and has 2 children (25, 33). She cares for her mother (80 years) who lives in an              elderly home. The mother has dementia and needs complete care. The family members              visit her every day and take her home from the elderly home at weekends.           eVeLÍNa is 57 years old works full time as an economist, is divorced has 1 child (37). She              cares for her mother (81 years) who lives in her own home that is close to the Evelína’s              home. The mother is almost independent; she needs mostly social contacts and meals.              They order lunches from a professional home care service. Otherwise, Evelína and her              family help her mother with such activities as cooking. She has also the experience of              having placed of her ex-mother-in-law in an elder home.               4   The names of the respondents have been changed.","WoMen‘s strateGIes for reConCILInG PaId Work and Care resPonsIbILItIes for dePendent eLderLy faMILy MeMbers… 19                ILONa is 47 years old, works full time as a teacher at a basic school, is married and has                 2 children (20, 23). She cares for her mother (75 years) who lives alternately in Ilona’s                 home and in her own home. They arranged for a professional nurse who comes every day                 while Ilona is at work. The nurse helps with meals, insulin injections, and rehabilitation.                 Her mother needs social contacts , rehabilitation, assistance, personal care and has                 diabetes.              GITa is 49 years old, works full time as an assistant of management (she also has additional                 jobs as a cleaner and trainer of handicapped children). She and her partner live separately                 and they have no children. She cares for her mother (69 years), who lives in her own                 home that is close to Gita´s place. They arranged lunches from a professional home                 care service. Otherwise, Gita provides care alone (her partner doesn’t help her but he                 “tolerates” the situation). The mother is partly independent but needs “surveillance” and                 “motivation”, assistance and household help (cleaning, shopping). The situation of the                 mother rapidly got worse 15 years ago (several heart attacks), now it is getting better. Gita                 uses sarcasm and irony in her speech.               ISaBeLa is 46 years old, works full time as a programmer, is married and has a daughter                 (17). She cares for her father-in-law (81 years) who lives together with Isabela and her                 family. They hired a professional home carer who provides assistance and makes meals                 while Isabela is at work. Otherwise, Isabela takes care of her father-in-law with the                 support of her family (husband and daughter). The father-in-law needs social contacts,                 meals and motivation (is not interested in anything).              DOMINIKa is 46 years old, works full time as an administrative worker in a small company,                 is married and has 2 children (17, 25). She takes care of her mother (85 years) who lives                 alternately in her own home with her husband (Dominika´s father) and in Dominika´s                 home. They hired a professional home carer for approx. 2 hours a day (the carer provides                 rehabilitation, personal hygiene,  medication, bathing). The mother needs personal care,                 the father is independent.               DIaNa is 51 years old, works as a waitress on a full time basis, is widowed and has three                 children (22, 25, 27). She takes care of her mother (77 years) who lives 40 km from Brno.                 At the time of the focus group, her mother was in a respite care (temporary residential                 care) after she broke her hand. Otherwise they make use of a professional home care                 service: lunches every day (and shopping, household help) and twice a day a nurse comes                 with insulin injections.               JULIe is 52 years old, works full time as a clerk in the legal department of a company, is                 married and has 4 children (11, 28, 29, 32). She takes care of her mother (75 years) who                 has dementia and needs personal care and assistance. The mother lives in Julie´s house.                 They hired a professional carer who comes for about 4 hours a day (the carer provides                 meals, medication, personal hygiene, bathing). The rest of the time, Julie and her brother                 care for their mother.              LINDa is 40 years old, works full time as a production operator (operator výroby) and is                 married and has 2 children (7, 11). She takes care of her mother (67) who lives with her                 and for her mother-in-law (67) who lives in her own house. The mother (with diabetes)                 needs social contacts, assistance and regular meals. Linda (with the support of her family)                 provides care for her mother and mother-in-law without the help of professional services.                 She has also experience with the care of her father who has since died. The mother-in-law                 needs companionship and household help (meals, cleaning, shopping) because she has                 spinal problems and had breast cancer.","10                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?               MaRIe is 57 years old, is self-employed and works as a finance consultant on full time basis.              She is divorced and has 2 children (19, 31). She takes care of her father (86 years old) who              is in an institutional residential care – elderly home (domov pro seniory). The father lost              contact with other people after the death of his wife (10 years ago) and decided to go to              the elderly home several years ago. The father´s needs include social contacts, household              help, personal care (help with hygiene).           MaTYLDa is 41 years old, works full time as a postwoman, and is divorced and has two              children (10, 20). She takes care of her mother (65 years old) who lives on the other side              of Brno in her own house. They hired professional home carer for two days a week (the              carer provides household help, small shopping, lunches). On the remaining days, Matylda              provides care and assistence (after her job). The mother needs companionship, shopping,              meals, personal care (bathing).           NINa is 41 years old, works as a head of a toyshop, lives with her partner and has no              children. She takes care of both parents who live in their own home separately from Nina              (65 and 66 years old). Her father is immobile after an injury and needs personal care              (hygiene, toileting), household help (meals, shopping, transport). Her mother needs less              care than her father but she needs personal care (hygiene) and personal help because she              walks with a cane. They use a professional home carer (pečovatelská služba) three days a              week (personal care, household care, lunches) and on the remaining days Nina and her              partner provide care.           ODeTa is 53 years old, works full time as an accountant, is married and has 2 children              (26, 32 years). She takes care of her mother (83 years). They live together, and they              do not use any professional care services. The mother�s needs include social contacts,              companionship, personal care (hygiene) and household help (meals, shopping, transport).           VILMa is 64 years old, retired and works part-time (32,5 hours) as a shop assistant. She is              married and has 2 children (34, 39). Vilma takes care of her mother (90 years old) alone              without the help of professional care services. The mother lives in her own home close              to Vilma. The mother needs assistance (walks, doctor, shopping), social contacts and              personal care (bathing, meals).             Note: The participants sometimes also talk about experiences of other people and about former              caring experiences. So the quotations are not only about the current care that they provide.","What does the survey data say about hoW WoMen baLanCe Work and faMILy LIfe In brno?  161                  ChapteR 7              What Does the Survey Data Say about how Women Balance              Work and Family Life in Brno?                   This chapter begins by looking at the career-orientations of women in Brno. Then              it examines both attitudes toward and experiences with policies for taking care of              children. Finally, it analyzes the issue of care for the elderly and how it influences              women.                 The survey was conducted in Brno in 2012 among women living there using              the  random  walk  sampling  method.  In  total  there  were  804  respondents.  To              determine  if  Brno  women  were  significantly  different  from  Czech  women  in              general, some questions were added to the survey. These questions have been used              in some of the best-known international surveys, such as the ISSP (International              Social Survey Programme) and the ESS (European Social Survey). Unfortunately,              a problem arose in that those who designed the survey for the FLOWS EU project              changed the scale from a 5-point scale to a 4-point scale. They did so by taking              away  the  option “neither…  nor…”  Thus,  even  though  we  have  these  control              questions, they are not completely comparable. Nevertheless, it seems that the              percentage giving conservative replies seems to be much higher for the country              as a whole than in Brno which gives some indication that women in Brno are less              conservative than in the country as a whole. For example, to the question “Men’s              job is to work and women’s job is to take care of the household,” 47.1% of Czechs              agreed or strongly agreed (ISSP 2002 survey), while in Brno only 26.6% agreed or              strongly agreed. Another problem, besides the fact that the scales are not exactly              the same, is that the last available ISSP survey is 10 years older than our Brno              survey. National level attitudes may have changed by now. Next year the ISSP              2012 which deals with gender and family issues is due to be released, making it              easier to make comparisons.                 7.1   Career aspirations of Women               As already noted in the introduction, women in the Czech Republic are expected              to work full-time until they have children and then they are expected to stay              at home until their children reach the age of three, but then they are expected              to  go  back  to  work  full-time  again.  This  differs  from  the “male-breadwinner/              female-part-time-caregiver model “whereby women were expected to interrupt              their careers for several years in connection with childbirth and then to work              part-time thereafter (Pfau-Effinger 2004, 2005). Thus, the Czech Republic has an              unusual combination of the dual-earner model when there are no children or              children are over three and the male-breadwinner/female housewife model for","12                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             the period in which the child is born until it starts kindergarten. However, even           for the periods when the mother works, the country does not have the dual-           earner/dual-carer model (Crompton 1999), as the mother is still expected to be           the main one responsible for the child-raising and household tasks (Saxonberg           and Sirovátka 2006, 2007).              Our survey also indicates that in Brno this pattern emerges. First, when asked           “if you had a completely free choice would you prefer a paid job or not to work           at all?” only 13.9% answered that they prefer not to work at all. This is much           lower than Hakim (2000) predicts in her preference theory, for example, that in           industrialized societies about 20% of women are family oriented and prefer not           to work, while another 20% are career oriented and prefer to work regardless of           governmental policies and around 60% are adaptable and will decide whether           to work or not depending on such issues as access to daycare. The Brno survey           shows that less than 14% are family oriented.              Second, when asked how much they would ideally want to work, the median           reply was 40 hours/week, which is the norm throughout most of the industrialized           world today. The mean was slightly lower at 34.9 hours because a few women           want to work less than 10 hours which brought down the average. In addition,           one woman replied that she would ideally want to work 90 hours, but since the           reply is not very believable, it was coded as a missing variable on the assumption           that there must have been a mistake either in her answer or in the coding of her           answer. Only 11.6% would want to work 20 hours or less and only 18.2% would           want to work less than 30 hours. This total comes close to Hakim’s 20% being           family oriented, but a woman who wanted to work around 30 hours per week is           hardly family oriented in the stricter sense of the word.              Even though most women are work-oriented, the vast majority of them do           most of the household work and childcare. Our survey shows that in Brno 76.8%           of the women claim to do all or most of the housework, while only 19.3% share           equally  and  3.9%  do  little  or  none  of  the  housework.  Of  those  with  children           under 3, the mother takes care of the child in 91.2% of the cases and the father in           only 3.5% of the cases (although this is much higher than the national average of           around 1%; Maříková 2008). Nevertheless, the gender norm in which the mother           should stay at home with the child until the age of three seems to be weakening           somewhat, as our survey shows. Despite an almost complete lack of public debate           on the need for fathers to share in the parental leave time, 15.3% agree that fathers           are not capable of taking care of children 6 months to 3 years old, while 50.3%           disagree. This indicates that the lack of fathers sharing in the child raising duties           is not only a question of conservative gender norms, but also a question of the           parental leave system not giving them incentives to share in the leave time. If the           Czech Republic introduced an insurance-based system that paid parents a large           portion of their previous incomes, so that fathers would not lose much income           if they stayed at home with their children and if it also introduced father quotas,           then the Brno survey indicates that most mothers would not be against having           fathers share in the leave time.","What does the survey data say about hoW WoMen baLanCe Work and faMILy LIfe In brno?  16                table 7.1 What is the Ideal Amount of Hours to Work per Week?                                                   Unstandardized   Standardized                                                  Coefficients   Coefficients  Sig.                                                 B      std. error  beta                (Constant)                     40.191    4.10                ***                Age                             −.060    1.068     −.06      ns                Political Self-Placement                (0 = extreme left, 10 = extreme right)  −1.818  1.20  −.2  ***                Net income in Euros            −1.004    1.00     −.106      ns                Cohabiting (1 = yes, 0 = no)   −1.69    1.1     −.02      ns                Educational Level 0-          −1.968    1.489     −.299      ***                How much housework (1 = all,  = none)  1−.48  1.6  −.040  ns              (n = 201) * p ≤ .0, ** p ≤ .01, *** p ≤ .001                  As Table 7.1 shows, not all women want to work the same amount of hours.              It turns out that those, who are more rightwing politically want to work more              hours. On the one hand, this makes general sense: those who are rightwing in              the sense of being market liberal are likely in general to see work as something              good  for  society,  while  those  with  more  “post-modern”  or  “post-materialist”              values (which is normally associated with the “new left”) might think that other              quality of life issues like living in a good environment are more important than                      1              working.  On the other hand, if one perceives rightwing as measuring the degree              of conservativeness, then we would not expect conservative women to want to              work many hours, since conservatives generally think women should concentrate              on the household rather than on having careers.                 Interestingly,  educational  level  works  in  the  opposite  direction:  those  with              higher levels of education would like to work fewer hours than those with lower              levels of education. If the question were whether one would want to work more              or less hours than one works today, then the explanation could be that those with              higher levels of education have better paid jobs, but also must work more hours.              If the question were to be “given the profession that you have today, how many              hours would you want to work?” then an explanation could be that those with              lower levels of education have lower incomes, so they would want to work more              hours in order to increase their income. However, the question was “In an ideal              world, how many hours would you prefer to work each week?” Since the question              asked about an ideal world, if the respondents generally understood the question              correctly, their answers would not be based on the need for getting a certain              income (because in an ideal world they would not need an income) but rather              how much would they like to work to feel self-fulfilled. Thus, it is reasonable to              interpret the negative correlation between educational level and ideal working              hours as a sign that those with higher levels of education have more post-modern                   1   For a discussion of post-modern values, see, for example, Inglehart (1997) and Inglehart and              Norris (2003).","1                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             values and would prefer to have more free time for pursuing hobbies and other           activities than paid work.              7.2   attitudes toward Childcare            As discussed in the introduction, because of historical-institutional developments,           the norm emerged in which it is seen as “natural” that the mother stays at home           with  the  child  until  the  age  of  three  (see  also  Hašková  and  Saxonberg  2010;           Hašková, Saxonberg and Mudrák 2012; Saxonberg 2014). As noted in previous           chapters,  both  state  and  municipal  policies  encourage  this  idea,  because  the           parental  leave  hold  few  incentives  for  fathers  to  share  in  the  leave  time  and           because public daycare for children under three is extremely rare; meanwhile,           few families can afford the high prices of private daycare centres.              As Table 7.2 shows, in the vast majority of cases, the mother is the main carer           for children under three in Brno as they stayed at home with their children in           91.2% of the cases at the time of our survey. Only a measly1.8% of children were           attending private daycare and none were attending public daycare. In 3.5% of           the cases, the father was the one staying at home with the child and in a similar           portion of cases the grandparents or other relatives were the main carers. Thus,           most  mothers  follow  the “gendered  rationality”  model  (Duncan  and  Edwards           1999; Duncan and Strell 2004) that states that it is “proper”, whatever the costs, for           mothers to be the main carers of their children until the children reach the age           of three. In contrast, a full 83.9% of pre-school children above three years of age           were attending public daycare (which in the Czech case means kindergartens).           Mothers were the main carers in only 9.7% of the cases and grandparents or           other relatives in 6.5% of the cases. Along with the decision to send older children           to kindergartens while keeping children under three at home, comes the belief           among a large portion of Brno mothers that nurseries are of poor quality (32%),           while only 6.5% have the same opinion about kindergartens.             table 7.2 Who Takes Care of Children Younger than Three-years Old             During day time, how is your youngest child (aged between 0 and 2) usually cared for? Answers in %            He/she is cared for in commercial/ private day care centre/nursery  91.8            I look after my own child at home                          91.2            He/she is looked after at home by myself and the child‘s father  9.            He/she is looked after at home by their grandparents or other relatives  9.           (n = )               But Table 7.2 just shows the actual decisions of mothers (and fathers) without           investigating what the mothers really think. Perhaps many would want to send           their children under three to daycare, but there are simply not enough public           places available, the cost of public care is too high, or they believe that the quality","What does the survey data say about hoW WoMen baLanCe Work and faMILy LIfe In brno?  16                of care is too low. As noted in the introduction, the communist-era nurseries              had a poor reputation for having been impersonal and run like mini-hospitals,              with nurses dressed in white taking care of the children. Parents were not even              allowed  to  enter the  nurseries  because that  was  considered  a health risk (e.g.              Saxonberg 2014). And because the groups of children were rather large, illnesses              spread quickly. Consequently, when Czechs think of daycare for children below              three, they are likely to imagine the communist-era nurseries rather than more              modern, humanist, child-centered nurseries.                 Table 7.3 gives more details on the beliefs of the mothers in Brno. It clearly              shows that the majority believe in the norm of threeness because 50% think that              children under three should stay at home, and an additional 3.6% state that they              do not “want” to use daycare. The group of mothers, who are on maternity leave              (21.4%) are more ambivalent. Because they are on maternity leave for a younger              child, it might seem practical for them to have the older child stay at home as              well, since they are already home full-time – especially given the fact that private              daycare is rather expensive. On the other hand, they might also think that it is              generally good for children under three to stay at home. So it is difficult to know              what this group thinks should be done with children under three if the mother is              unable to take maternity leave.                table 7.3 Why Not Formal Childcare for Children under Three                 Main reason                                                Percent                Children that age should be cared for at home               0.0                I don‘t want to use childcare                               2.6                I am on maternity leave                                     21.4                Not against the idea of daycare                There are no childcare services available where we live     21.8                The quality of childcare services is not good enough        2.1                Too expensive                                               2.1                Child too young                                             28.9              (n = 6)                  On the other hand, a group of mothers gave other reasons besides a moral              belief that it is wrong to send their children to daycare. 1.8% claimed that the              reason they did not send their childcare was that there quite simply were no places              available where they lived. Consequently, if there were daycare places where they              lived, they might have sent their child there. Another 7.1% claimed that daycare              is too expensive, which implies that if it were cheaper they would have sent their              child.  The  same  percent  replied  that  they did  not send their  child to  daycare              because they do not think the quality is good enough. This means logically that if              they believed the quality of services were high, then they would have used them.              If they simply believed that all daycare centres in the world must be of low quality              because they can never offer as high quality care as the mother, then they most              probably would have answered that they think that children at that age should be","1                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             cared for at the home. Finally, 8.9% said they believed their child was too young.           This means that if their child were older – but still younger than three-years old,           then they would have wanted to send their child to daycare.              Altogether, this means that about one-fourth of mothers could imagine sending           their children under three to daycare under the right circumstances. Even if this           is not an extremely high level, it still comes close to the Barcelona goal of 33% of           children under three attending daycare. Moreover, if 25% really attended daycare           and the quality were rather good, then it is highly likely that daycare would get a           better reputation and an increasing number of mothers would want to send their           children there.              One of the reasons why mothers might not want to send their children to           daycare is their general lack of trust in the state and local governments’ ability to           deliver high quality services. In the political science literature, this is known as           the issue of state capacity: do people believe that the state is capable of actually           delivering a service? (cf. Rothstein 1992). The respondents were asked to rate how           much trust they have for different institutions on an 11-point scale of 0–10, with           0=no trust and 10=complete trust. Table 7.4 shows that levels of trust were quite           low for all cases except for childcare. However, it should be noted that the age of           the child was not asked, so given the fact that nurseries for children under three           are almost non-existent now, most respondents were probably thinking about           kindergartens for children over three when answering that question. Even in this           case, trust was only barely above the middle point.            table 7.4 Trust in Institutions                                                     n                 mean            Trust in childcare                     9                 .1            Trust in elderly care                  8                 4.1            Trust in the municipality              6                 .            Trust in parliament                                     .1           (scale 0–10, 0 = no trust, 10 = complete trust,  = middle score)                Given the fact that Brno mothers have very little trust in the city and national           governments, it is not surprising that they would not trust them to be able to           deliver high-quality childcare for children under three – especially since they are           even skeptical of the ability of the public sector to provide quality childcare for           pre-school children above three in an area where well over 83% of such children           were in fact attending public nurseries.              In  order  to  see  which  factors  influence  attitudes  toward  sending  children           to daycare, a dummy variable “possible” was created, to represent the 24.9% of           mothers, who would possibly consider sending their children to daycare.","What does the survey data say about hoW WoMen baLanCe Work and faMILy LIfe In brno?  16                table 7.5 Logistic Regression for Possibly Being Willing to Send One’s Children under              Three to Daycare                                                         Coef.     Std. Err.   P                Constant                                .94       .19      .14                Left-Right self-placement               −.09       .1      .9                (0–11, 0 = extreme left, 10 = extreme right)                Age                                     −.10       .10      .2                Educational level (1–)                 −.0       .      .81                Trust in parliament                     1.29       .9      .1                Trust in the municipality               −.92       .69      .181                Trust in childcare                      −.1       .19      .09                Log likelihood = −2.6882              (n = 2)                  As  Table  7.5  shows,  none  of  the  independent  variables  are  statistically              significant at the .05 level. However, trust in the childcare system is statistically              significant at the .10 level. Considering the small number of women in the sample              with children under three (52 in total who answered all the questions), then one              could decide to accept the .10 level as significant, which is often done in cases              when the number of cases is below 100. In addition, when performing a logistic              regression with only trust in daycare as the independent variable (and thereby              increasing the degrees of freedom and increasing the number of observations              to 55), then trust in childcare almost becomes significant at the .05 level. The              probability of the answer being just a coincidence is .051. In other words, this is              reason to believe that the issue should be explored more fully. If a larger group of              people were studied, then it is likely that the relationship between trust in daycare              and willingness to send one’s child there would become statistically significant.                 The daycare system and parental leave system make it difficult for mothers to              balance work and family life. Many would consider sending their children under              three to daycare under the right conditions (about one-fourth), but few do under              today’s conditions. Even though it seems many women accept the current system              based on the “national ideal of caring” (Kremer 2006) in which the mother should              stay at home with her child until the age of three, fully 38.6% admitted that the              current  childcare  arrangements  only  partly  meet  their  needs  or  do  not  meet              their needs at all. Interestingly, there was no statistically significant relationship              between claiming that current daycare arrangement meets one’s needs and being              open to the possibility of sending one’s children under three to daycare.                 A problem of the current family policy arrangements is shown by the fact that              less than one-third of all mothers in Brno are able to return to their previous jobs.              As Table 7.6 shows, a small difference exists according to educational level. Those              with higher educational levels are slightly more likely to be able to return to their              previous job than those with lower educational levels.","1                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             table 7.6 Percentage of Brno Women Returning to Previous Job after Parental Leave             Level of education           Did not return to previous job  Returned to previous job            Low educational level (ISCED 1-)    .0                2.0            High educational level (ISCED 4-) =   68.4              1.6            university or higher vocational education           (n = 81)               Interestingly, the one factor that seems to make it easier for women to return           to their previous position is if they are married or living with a partner. Table           7.7 shows that women, who are cohabiting with a partner are more than five           times more likely to return to their previous jobs. None of the other variables are           statistically significant.             table 7.7 Logistic Regression for Returning to Previous Job after Parental Leave                                            Coef.    Odds-Ratio  Std. Err.  Sign.            Constant                        −4.49                1.9      ***            Cohabiting (1 = yes, 0 = no)    −1.1      .      1.84      *            Educational Level 0–           −1.2      1.26      1.19            How much housework (1 = all,  = none)  1−.12  1.88  1.42            Trust in parliament             −1.      1.42      1.            Trust in the municipality       1−.0      1.9      −.0            Log likelihood = −49.4122           (n = 9) * p ≤ .0, ** p ≤ .01, *** p ≤ .001               Finally, even though the grandparent model is not so widespread in Brno and           they are no more likely to take care of the children than the father is (see Table           7.2), many of the grandmothers who take care of their grandchildren maintain           that this responsibility has limited the type and amount of paid work they can do.           A large minority of 42.4% responded that they either strongly agree or agree that           taking care of their grandchildren had limited the type or amount of paid work           they could do.              7.3   taking Care of the elderly            Women’s  ability  to  participate  is  not  only  dependent  on  the  availability  of           childcaring arrangements but it is also influenced by policies of caring for the           elderly (e.g. Eichler and Pfau-Effinger 2009; Outshoorn 2008). As noted in Chapter           1, Czech policies toward caring for the elderly had already begun to move in           a familializing direction during communist rule. The goal of the reforms was           premised on families doing most of the work of caring for the elderly (Maříková","What does the survey data say about hoW WoMen baLanCe Work and faMILy LIfe In brno?  169                and Plasová 2012). In practice this means that daughters have to be willing to              make sacrifices in their careers to take care of their parents or parent-in-laws.                 Our survey asks the question of what type of care the respondents think would              be the best if an elderly parent could no longer manage to live on his or her own.              As Table 7.8 shows, the majority favor non-institutionalized arrangements. The              largest portion (32.1%) thinks that they or one of their siblings should invite the              parent to move in with them. A sizable minority of 40.2% prefers institutionalized              arrangements of either having their parent move into a nursing home (29%) or              having their parent receive healthcare services (11.2), which presumably means              getting home visits from nurses, social workers or other types of “home helpers.”                table 7.8 What is the Best Type of Care if the Elderly Parent Can No Longer Manage to              Live on His/Her Own?               Answer                                                       Percent               I or one of my brothers or sisters should invite my father or mother to live with one of us  12.1               I or one of my brothers or sisters should move in with my father or mother  106.               One should move closer to the other                           114.1               My father or mother should move into an old people’s home or nursing home  129.0               My father or mother should stay at home and receive visits there, as well as appropriate   111.2               health care and services               Don’t know                                                    10.1               Total                                                         100.0              (n = 94)                 When asked, however, what the elderly parents actually are doing, it turns              out that only 10.9% have moved into nursing homes (compared to the 29% that              expressed the preference) and only 8.2% have the aid of home helpers (compared              to the 11.2% preference). Thus, it seems that there is a clear gap between how              much institutionalized care is desired and how much is actually provided.               table 7.9 Why do You Provide Care and Support for Your Elderly Relatives?                 Main reason                                                 Percent               Because they did not wish to leave their home                 1.               There are no places available in a residential or nursing home  11.               The quality of care in residential and nursing homes is not good enough  16.               The cost of a place in a residential or nursing home is to high  1.2               There are no residential or nursing homes near enough to where they have always lived  18.1               My relative does not qualify for public-funded residential care services  14.8               The cost of home-based services is too high                   19.               I believe older people should be cared for by their children when they can no longer manage   24.2               on their own               Because they are my parents                                   18.1               Don’t know                                                    11.6               Refused to answer                                             14.8              (n = 62)","170                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?                Table 7.9 shows that of the women who actually take care of their parents or           parent-in-laws, a large portion would have preferred institutionalized care. 29.1%           would have preferred sending their parents or parents-in-law to a nursing home,           but are not able to because, for example, the family member does not qualify for           admittance to the home, the homes are of too low quality, there are not any in the           area or they are too expensive.              Meanwhile, another 14.5% of those taking care of their relatives would have           preferred to use home-based care, but either such care was too expensive for           their means or the family member does not qualify for this kind of help. This           means  that  a  total  of  43.6%  of  those  acting  as  the  primary  carers  of  elderly           family members would have preferred an institutionalized arrangement, such as           homehelpers or nursing homes, if these services were available, the quality were           high and they were affordable. This shows that the national and local government           could do much more to meet the needs of families with elderly members, who are           no longer able to take care of themselves. The “familializing” policies that pressure           daughters/daughters-in-law to take on the responsibility of care giving make it           more difficult for women to balance work and family life.              It turns out that those who take care of the elderly are relatively old themselves.           Over 55% of those taking care of the elderly are themselves aged 51–63, which           means it is unlikely that they are still taking care of their children at the same           time. Those taking care of elderly were also rather well educated, which indicates           that this caring burden hits their careers particularly hard. Over one-third of           those caring for elderly family members have an advanced vocational or a sub-           degree. An additional 16% have a university education.              The survey also shows that half of the women, who take care of older relatives           have to limit the type or amount of paid work that they do (see Table 7.10). Thus,           this extra caring burden makes it very difficult for them to pursue their careers           and balance work and family life. In addition, having one’s work limited when one           cares for elderly relatives is significantly related to educational level (Pearson’s           Correlation=.394, significant at the .05 level). In other words, the added caring           tasks present particularly difficult demands on the more career-oriented women,           who studied at universities or higher-level vocational schools.             table 7.10 Does Caring for an Older Relative Limit the Type or Amount of Paid Work You           Can Do?              Answer                                                  Percent            Strongly agree                                            114.            Agree                                                     1.            Disagree                                                  1.1            Strongly disagree                                         11.2            Don‘t know                                                119.            Total                                                     100.0           (n = 62)","What does the survey data say about hoW WoMen baLanCe Work and faMILy LIfe In brno?  11                   Finally, it is interesting to note that when it comes to preferences for care of              elders, age was the only factor that was statistically significant on the question of              whether one prefers institutional care (nursing homes or homehelpers). Younger              people were more positive toward institutionalized care than older people. As              Table 7.11 shows, having a higher level of education did not matter. It should be              noted also that when educational level was measured on a scale of 1–7, then age              was no longer significant at the .05 level, although it was close at p=.057.                table 7.11 Logistic Regression for Supporting Institutional Care for the Elderly (Nursing              Homes or Home Helpers)                                                            Coef.    Std. Err.  P                Constant                                   −.      .01      ns                Prefers to work in an ideal situation rather than stay at home  −.4  .2  ns                Age                                        −.02      .01       *                University Education or Higher Vocational  −.1      .21      ns                Trust in parliament                        −.11      .08      ns                Trust in the municipality                  −.10      .0      ns                Trust in elderly care                      −.06      .04      ns                Cohabiting                                 −.4      .19      ns                Log likelihood = −11.102              (n = 464) * p ≤ .0, ** p ≤ .01, *** p ≤ .001                 7.4   Conclusions               The survey data basically supports the information that we got from the interviews              in the focus groups. It shows that most women still believe in the national ideal of              caring in which mothers are to stay at home until children reach the age of three.              However, about one in four could imagine sending their children under three to              daycare if the quality were high and it were easily accessible. This indicates that              measures to improve access to high quality daycare could still result in improved              conditions for a large number of women. Moreover, if 25% of mothers really sent              their children to daycare and had good experiences, then daycare would get a              better reputation and it is likely that demand would increase.                 The survey also shows that most of the caring is done my mothers, and it is              rather rare for fathers, grandparents or daycare to take over part of the caring tasks.              Thus, supporting the “grandmother option” does not seem feasible. Nevertheless,              the survey data also shows that the vast majority of mothers think that fathers              are capable of taking care of children. This means that changes in the parental              leave system that would encourage fathers to share the leave time could ease the              burden of women in caring for children.                 As expected, the lack of daycare for children under three, combined with the              increased difficulty in finding kindergarten places even for older children and              the near complete absence of fathers taking part in parental leave, all combine to","172                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             make it difficult for mothers of young children to compete on the labor market.           Much less than one-third of all mothers were able to return to their previous jobs,           although highly educated women were a little bit more successful in doing so.              The questions about care of the elderly show that there is a large gap between           what  type  of  caring  women  would  prefer  for  their  parents  or  parent-in-laws           and  what  kind  of  caring  arrangements  are  actually  used. Although  over  40%           would prefer institutionalized caring in the form of retirement/nursing homes           or home helpers, such services were used less than half as much (i.e.19.1%). The           respondents mention problems such as the poor quality of the services, lack of           availability, the inability of the elderly to officially qualify for care, and high costs           as reasons for not using institutionalized care. The survey also shows that half of           all women who take care of the elderly either have to change their working hours           or type of work. Today’s arrangements make it extremely difficult for women to           balance work and family life.              ReFeRenCeS            Crompton, R., 1999. Discussion and Conclusions. In R. Crompton, ed. Restructuring Gender              Relations and Employment: The Decline of the Male Breadwinner. Oxford: Oxford              University Press, pp. 201–214.           Duncan, S. \& Edwards, R., 1999. Lone Mothers, Paid Work and Gendered Rationalities. London:              Macmillan.           Duncan, S. \& Strell, M., 2004. Combining Lone Motherhood and Paid Work: The Rationality              Mistake and Norwegian Social Policy. Journal of European Social Policy, 14(1), pp. 41–54.           Eichler, M. \& Pfau-Effinger, B., 2009. The �Consumer Principle’ in the Care of Elderly              People: Free Choice and Actual Choice in the German Welfare State. Social Policy \&              Administration, 43(6), pp. 617–633.           Hakim, C., 2000. Work-Lifestyle Choices in the 21st Century – Preference Theory. Oxford:              University Press.           Hašková, H. \& Saxonberg, S., 2010. The Institutional Roots of Communist Family Policy:              Comparing the Czech and Slovak Republics. In F. Mackay \& M. L. Krook, eds. Gender,              Politics and Institutions: Towards a Feminist Institutionalism? Basinstoke: Palgrave, pp.              112–128.           Hašková, H., Saxonberg, S. \& Mudrák, J., eds. 2012. Péče o nejmenší: Boření mýtů. (Childcare:              breaking of myths). Praha: SLON, Sociologický ústav AV ČR.           Inglehart, R. \& Norris, P., 2003. Rising Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural Change around the              World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.           Inglehart, R., 1997. Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic, and Political              Change in 43 Societies. Princeton: Princeton University Press.           Kremer, M., 2006. The politics of ideals of care: Danish and Flemish child care policy              compared. International Studies in Gender, State and Society, 13(2), pp. 261–285.           Maříková, H., 2008. Rodičovská (je) pro oba rodiče! (Parental leave (is) for both parents!) In              A. Křížková, R. Dudová, H. Hašková, H. Mařková \& Z. Uhde, eds. Práce a péče: Proměny              „rodičovské“ v České republice a kontext rodinné politiky Evropské unie. (Work and care:              Changes of parental leave in the Czech Republic and the context of family policy of the              European Union). Praha: SLON.           Outshoorn, J., 2008. The Provision of Home Care as a Policy Problem. Journal of Comparative              Policy Analysis, 10(1), pp. 7–27.","What does the survey data say about hoW WoMen baLanCe Work and faMILy LIfe In brno?  1                Pfau-Effinger, B, 2004. Historical paths of the male breadwinner family model – explanation                 for cross-national differences. British Journal of Sociology, 55(3), pp. 377–399.              Pfau-Effinger, B., 2005. Culture and Welfare State Policies: Reflections on a Complex                 Interrelation. Journal of Social Policy, 33(4), pp. 3–20.              Rothstein, B., 1992. Social Justice and State Capacity. Politics \& Society, 20(1), pp.101–126.              Saxonberg, S. \& Sirovátka, T., 2006. Seeking the Balance between Work and Family after                 Communism. Marriage and Family Review, 39(3/4), pp. 287–313.              Saxonberg, S. \& Sirovátka, T., 2007. The Re-familisation of the Czech Family Policy and Its                 Causes. International Review of Sociology, 17(2), pp. 319–341.              Saxonberg, S., 2014. Gendering Family Policies in Post-Communist Europe: A Historical-                 Institutional Analysis. Basinstoke: Palgrave.","","ConCLusIons and PoLICy reCoMMendatIons                             1                  ChapteR 8              Conclusions and policy Recommendations                    Mothers – Grandmothers – Daughters               This  book  described  and  discussed  two  central  care  norms,  how  they  are              institutionalized in related policy areas and how they potentially structure the              lives  of  women  in  the  Czech  Republic  and  Brno  in  general  and  their  labour              market chances in particular: the norm of personal full-time care for children              under the age of 3 by their mother and the norm of enabling frail elderly family              members to stay in their home environment as long as possible. Though these              two care norms are related to very different life situations, they have a common              denominator. That is, they bring about the need for (informal) care work, which              is predominantly ascribed to and done by women, as mothers, grandmothers, and              daughters.                 In this sense, the title of our book is a reference to a certain chronology of              care, which structures the lives of many women in Brno and the Czech Republic:              mothers care for their children on a full-time basis, especially when the children are              younger than three years. In this task, they are however often supported by other              family  members,  most  importantly  the  child’s  grandmother.  This  involvement              in the care arrangement often allows the mother to re-enter the labour market,              and to a certain extent helps to diminish the negative labour market outcomes              related to the mothers’ long parental leaves, as for example unemployment or              losing the possibility of returning to the former work place. All in all, it allows              them to achieve a certain work/life/care balance. At the same time, however, in              these cases the care responsibility remains clearly gendered and is simply shifted              between two generations of women. While for the women we interviewed, care              by the grandmother is often the decisive factor which enables them to return to              work while having a care arrangement which remains within the prevailing care              norms, it remained unclear what implication these care arrangements have for the              grandmothers. That is, whether they had negative (labour market) implications              for them, e.g. in the form of necessary working hour reductions, early retirement              etc.  and/or  produced  work/life/care  imbalances  for  the  grandmother.  Finally,              daughters care for their frail parents (or parents-in-law), with the motivation              to enable them to remain as long as possible in their home environment. In this              regard, our analysis focused on how women manage to do so while they remain in              gainful employment. Hence, for them the central question was also how to balance              gainful employment with their private life and their care responsibilities. 1                  1   The situation of grandmothers as well as of women who left the labour market in order to care              for a frail family member was not part of the research focus of the FLOWS project. Our findings              however  indicate  that  they  deserve  further  attention  and  research,  which  should  focus  on  the","17                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?                For  the  women  we  discussed  these  issues  with,  both  child  care  and  elder           care  constituted  important  parts  of  their  life,  and  they  hardly  questioned  the           ascription of care work predominantly to women. At the same time, however,           these women saw gainful employment as an important source of meaning and           financial security in their lives. Thus they aimed at achieving a certain balance           between these important parts of their life. Based on their experiences, which           we  collected  and  presented  in  this  book,  and  our  analysis  of  the  care  related           policy and institutional contexts, we were able to identify, where and how this           institutional and policy context hinders women from achieving their individual           ideal work/life/care balance.              In this regard, in the following we now turn to both care norms individually,           summarize the main findings of our project and relate them to suggestions for           policy changes, which bear the potential to reduce the identified barriers. Our           suggestions aim not only at helping caring mothers, grandmothers and daughters           to achieve a better work/life/care balance and to strengthen their labour market           position in the given situation, but go also a step further. That is, we also present           possibilities which potentially contribute to a degendering of informal care work           and hence to a more equal distribution of informal care work between men and           women.            taking care of pre-school children in Brno            The  point  of  departure  of  this  book  was  an  analysis  of  the  basic  patterns  of           women’s labour market participation in Brno. In this respect, the overview and           analysis of relevant data available for the local level (especially from the census           in 1991, 2001 and 2011) in Chapter 1 suggests important continuities after the           end  of  the  communist  regime,  when  it  comes  to  the  basic  norms  and  values           related to women’s labour market participation and most importantly the ways           of combining gainful employment with care responsibilities. Despite a certain           decrease of women’s labour market participation during the 1990s, the norm of           their full-time labour market participation remained rather stable. Similarly, the           expectation of personal full-time care by the mother until the child reaches the           age of three still plays an important role, as shown by the data on the labour           market participation of women with children in this age group. However, what           has  fundamentally  changed  since  1989  is  the  economic  and  social  context  in           which these patterns take place today and hence the consequences for women on           the labour market: while under communist rule (with guaranteed employment)           the norm of full-time labour market participation in combination with a strongly           gendered division of care duties, requiring long absences in case of motherhood,           predominantly meant a constraint on a women’s career; in the current economic           context,  it  moreover  significantly  increases  the  risk  of  unemployment. As  the           discussion of the unemployment rates of women with children in different age           groups has shown, in Brno, the risk of unemployment doubles for women with           children aged 3–5; that is, for those women who, after having a child, wish to            generation of women from 50–65, who are potentially confronted with care responsibilities for both           their grandchildren and for frail elderly family members.","ConCLusIons and PoLICy reCoMMendatIons                             1                return to the labour market. From the perspective of the FLOWS project and              its main goal of examining the potential support on the part of local welfare              systems  for  women’s  labour  market  participation,  this  group  of  women  is  of              special interest: these women are willing to work, while at the same time, due to              their caring responsibilities, they have problems in finding their way back into              the labour market.                 Chapters 3 and 5 explored this problem in more detail, from two different              perspectives.  Chapter  3  focused  on  how  family  and  childcare  policies  on  the              national  and  local  level  potentially  support  and/or  hinder  women’s  return              to the labour market after having a child. In this regard, the major issues and              problems, which also fundamentally characterize the current overall childcare              situation  in  Brno,  turned  out  to  be  the  lack  of  childcare  capacity  in  public              kindergartens (related to the recent baby boom), the lack of a developed system              of  alternative  facilities  and  services  based  on  clearly  and  centrally  outlined              quality standards, as well as a certain financial support for these forms of care,              which would increase their financial accessibility. This situation is not new. It              has been developing over the last few years, and it is not unique to Brno, but              rather relevant for the Czech Republic as a whole. Hence the leeway for local              politicians to change it is rather limited. On the local level, the municipality has              made some efforts to raise the capacities of kindergarten facilities and to support              (at least on a basic level) the development of alternative childcare facilities (e.g.              through grants). In this respect it is nevertheless also necessary to point out that              the efforts in Brno to raise kindergarten capacities have been oriented first and              foremost towards maintaining the status quo. Moreover, the support of women’s              labour market participation or gender equality on a more general level is not              an explicit priority of the Brno city administration. It is only in the framework              of the local family policy strategy that the need to reconcile work and family              life is recognized as a relevant topic. These efforts have been limited by a lack              of national measures. Currently, municipalities have few practicable alternatives              to  establishing  kindergarten  facilities  (registered  in  the  school  register,  which              demand substantial financial investments) which would allow them to flexibly              expand their offer of childcare services (the baby boom is expected to end by              next year) and/or offer higher capacity for children under the age of 3. A basis for              the establishment of such alternative care services (operated by the municipality              as well as by private for-profit or non-profit organisations) is provided in the bill              on childcare groups. The proposed measures would bring about some important              basic  improvements  regarding  the  development  of  such  alternative  childcare              facilities – first and foremost making it easier to establish alternative childcare              facilities which meet basic quality standards, thus providing a certain amount of              support for reconciling work and family life. The question remains when these              changes will finally be introduced.                 In  this  respect,  Chapter  5,  presenting  the  results  of  the  two  focus  group              discussions with women with a child of preschool age (0–5), showed that the              respondents evaluate the provision of childcare services for pre-school children              in a very similar way. The strongest demands for improvements (in both groups)              were articulated by the FG respondents in relation to the kindergarten system,","17                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             where a current lack of capacity leads to problems especially with the placement of           children aged 3–4 years. In the current institutional context in the Czech Republic           and Brno, FG respondents identified lack of kindergarten capacity for children           aged 3–4 as the most constraining factor in deciding when to return to the labour           market and how to reconcile their return with their childcare responsibilities.           This perception is shared by the respondents of both focus groups. For those           women who had no alternative care arrangements available, a place in a public           kindergarten is the central prerequisite for returning to work before their children           turn 3. This return is substantially complicated by the current insecurity about           whether a place will be available or not. At the same time, for women who managed           to return to the labour market based on an alternative childcare arrangement           before their child turned 3, the availability of a public kindergarten place for           their child might still mean an important change: some of the respondents, for           example saw this as an opportunity to return to a full-time job.              The FG discussions also showed that the respondents agree to a large extent           with  the  central  Czech  childcare  norm  which  is  importantly  (re)produced  in           the  institutional  framework  for  pre-school  childcare:  institutional  childcare  is           suitable only for children older than three years. This norm is also part of how           the FG respondents in both groups reflect upon available childcare options for           their children aged 0–2. The respondents with higher educational attainment see           institutional childcare for this age group as a complement to family care (in case           the individual situation of the child demands that) or as a last resort in a situation           where the woman has to return to the labour market due to financial pressures.           Respondents with lower educational attainment see it as simply untenable from           a financial point of view. Hence, in both groups, the respondents see their room           for decision making about when and how to return to the labour market as not           so much constrained by the current (limited) offer of institutional childcare for           children aged 0–2 but first and foremost by the unavailability of flexible working           hours and/or part-time jobs that would allow them to earn a living. As a result the           respondents (in both groups) are to a large degree satisfied when they manage to           find a childcare arrangement where the child is cared for in the broader family           context (and care provided most importantly by the child’s grandmother or great-           grandmother) or caring duties are split between the partners (based on flexible           working hours and/or part-time work arrangements). Hence, based on the still           prevailing ideal of personal care by the mother, or – in the interpretation of the           majority of the FG respondents – by the parents or a close family member, the           lack of institutional childcare for children aged 0–2 is perceived only as a minor           barrier for the respondent’s return to the labour market. This is also related to a           still prevalent general distrust in these institutions.              Taking into account the findings of our local survey, our statistical data clearly           show  that  the  early  returning  strategies  of  the  focus  group  respondents  are           minority solutions, which taken together make up not even 10% of the childcare           arrangements  among  mothers  of  children  aged  0–2  in  Brno. While  87.5%  of           the respondents with a child under three years personally care for their child at           home, only 1.6% of the respondents make use of institutional daycare services for           their children under 3. In 4.7% of the cases, grandparents or other relatives take","ConCLusIons and PoLICy reCoMMendatIons                             19                care of the child and 3.1% of the respondents indicated that they share childcare              responsibilities with their partner.                 In this respect, the results of the focus group discussions also showed which              childcare arrangements are “acceptable” (that is, within the prevailing normative              framework)  to  return  to  the  labour  market.  The  respondents’  presentation,              rationalization and legitimization of their choices take place in the discursive              environment  of  the  nationally  and  locally  institutionalized  ideal  of  care  (cf.              Chapter  3).  This  discursive  environment  potentially  supports  and  constrains              certain  ways  of  presenting,  rationalizing  and  legitimizing  choices  related  to              childcare and labour market participation. The respondents in both focus groups              who returned to work before their child reached the age of three, presented their              return as dependent on the fact that a care arrangement within the wider family              became available (e.g. the child’s grandmother retired and agreed to provide care,              the child’s aunt or another close family member provided care) or was possible              between the partners based on existing work arrangements (the availability of              part-time work and/or flexible working hours). Hence, the respondents in both              groups explained and legitimized their early return to work not in terms of their              motivation to go to work at a specific point in time, but rather as related to the              availability  of  a  childcare  arrangement  within  the  closer  family  environment,              which they see as favourable for their children. Thus, in the Czech context it does              not seem to be legitimate for mothers of children aged 0–3 to freely articulate              their  work  orientation.  They  can  do  so  only  in  combination  with  a  childcare              arrangement that is at least partly in line with the prevailing ideal of care.               policy recommendations related to childcare for pre-school children               Based on the findings presented in this book, we can now make some suggestions              for policy reforms that could improve the conditions of women in the local labour              market. Our suggestions are based on the notion that the reforms should make              it easier for women to balance work and family life and have a stronger position              on the labour market than they do today. Hence, the suggested policy changes are              related to supporting those mothers who wish to keep a link to the labour market              during parental leave and/or return to the labour market earlier. At the same time,              they are thought to ease the process of re-entering the labour market for mothers              in general and enable them to manage this process according to their needs and              wishes, as far as the timing and the extent of their labour market involvement are              concerned.                 Even though our study is of one particular city, it is highly likely that the              lessons learned from Brno could be carried over to other Czech cities, as most              of the problems are quite similar. In addition, even though we concentrate on              one city and many of our policy suggestions concern the municipal level, it is              necessary for the national government to make some policy changes in order              to  enable  the  local  governments,  including  Brno,  to  implement  many  of  the              reforms that we suggest. The following section on policy recommendations starts              by looking at what types of reforms the national government could make; then              it looks at reforms that the municipal governments such as Brno could realize.","10                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             Finally, it looks at reforms which local governments could make with help from           the national government.              On a very general level, one basic reform that the national government could           make would be to change the law so that municipalities have the possibility of raising           their own funds, so that they will have greater possibilities for providing services           which would make it easier for women to work. As it is now, the Czech Republic           is rather unique among democratic governments working in a market economy,           in that local governments are totally dependent on the national government for           funding (Saxonberg 2014). Thus, if a local government, for example, wanted to           open up more daycare centres for children under three, it would have to cut           spending somewhere else in order to finance it, as it is not possible to simply           increase revenue. By contrast, in Sweden the majority of the population does           not pay any national income tax at all; instead most pay municipal and regional           income taxes. Only those above a certain income also pay a national income           tax. The local governments can decide themselves on the tax rates. Consequently,           some local governments decide to have income taxes 1–2% above the country           average in order to bring in extra income for social services and other projects. To           give another example, in the USA local governments gain much of their income           from property taxes, while the state governments gain much of their incomes           from sales taxes. Thus, the sales tax rate differs from state to state and the property           tax level differs from city to city. In many European cities it is also common for           municipalities to raise their own revenues by such methods as tourist taxes on           hotel stays, etc. Our intention is not to recommend specific strategies for local           governments to increase their revenues. We simply want to point out that having           the ability to do so would greatly enhance the possibilities municipalities have to           improve services.              On a more individual level, one of the biggest problems that mothers face is           the expectation that they should stay at home until their children reach the age           of three. As our survey data shows, only about one-third of mothers are able to           return to their previous positions after taking such long leaves. Moreover, even           the third of the women who succeed in returning to their previous positions still           have trouble competing with men for promotions; while during the three years           in which mothers are home with their children, men are able to advance their           careers. Furthermore, as long as employers expect women to be the only ones           who stay at home with their children, they have good reason to discriminate           against women in their hiring practices, as they assume that men will continue           working while having children, while women will stay at home for 3–8 years if           they have one or two children.              Since the norm that the family should take care of children under three is           strong, one obvious solution that would help mothers position themselves in the           labour market would be to give fathers incentives to share equally in the leave           time. That way the family would still be taking care of children under the age           of three, but women would no longer face such great job discrimination and           career obstacles. This might seem radical given the basic assumption in Czech           society that mothers are the main carers. Yet, both our survey and the focus group           discussions show very little opposition to the notion that fathers are capable of","ConCLusIons and PoLICy reCoMMendatIons                             181                taking care of young children. In addition, even though it is now extremely rare              for fathers to officially go on parental leave, our interviews show that sometimes              fathers still share in the child raising duties, for example, by taking care of the              children when they are not working, so that the mother can work during those              hours.                 Experiences from other European countries show that fathers are unlikely to              share much in the parental leave time unless a) there is a generously paid leave              based on the income-replacement principle; and b) there is some type of father              quotas. Leave needs to be based on the income-replacement principle for the              simple fact that, in the majority of families, fathers have higher incomes than              mothers; consequently, families calculate that if the father goes on leave they will              lose much more money than if the mother goes on leave. However, if the father              receives 100% of his previous income the economic argument disappears. No              country offers 100% leave benefits, but the point is that the higher the percentage              of lost income covered by the leave benefits, the greater the incentive for fathers              to go on leave.                 It  turns  out  that  father  quotas  have  also  played  an  important  role  in              encouraging fathers to share in the leave time. One reason for this is that even if              fathers might want to go on parental leave and even if they would not lose much              income in doing so, many fathers are afraid to ask their employers for permission              to go on leave because their employers are likely to look down upon them for              not being “ambitious,” since employers tend to think that fathers can choose to              go on leave, while mothers must go on leave. Thus, father quotas strengthen the              position of fathers vis-à-vis their employers, as they can then argue that they              cannot afford to lose the leave time that is reserved for them. In all countries              that have implemented a combination of father quotas and income-replacement              based  benefits,  the  percentage  of  leave  time  has  radically  increased.  Iceland              serves  as  an  excellent  example  of  this. Within  two  years  of  implementing  an              income-replacement model and reserving one-third of leave time for fathers, the              percentage of paternal participation increased from around 1% to around 32%!              (Hašková, Saxonberg and Mudrák 2012: 202).                 There are a variety of parental leave structures that could be introduced in the              Czech Republic that would make it easier for women to compete in the labour              market by inducing fathers to share in the parental leave time. We do not intend              to dictate the percentage of the father quota nor the period of benefits based              on the income-replacement principle. Nevertheless, one obvious and just reform              would be to introduce a 6-month paternity leave. Since mothers enjoy a 6-month              maternity leave that is only available to mothers, why not introduce a similar leave              that is only available to fathers? Mothers would not “lose” anything, since they              would still have their 6-month maternity leave and the lower paid leave might              still exist. Similarly, fathers would not be “forced” to make use of the paternity              leave. It would be up to them to decide whether they wanted to use it or not, but              they would have strong economic incentives to do so.                 In addition, parental leave could be made more flexible, to make it easier for              women to work while still taking care of their children during part of the day.              Some of the mothers whom we interviewed in the focus groups talked about the","12                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             need for the government to support job-sharing. We could note that in some           countries, such as Sweden, the parental leave system is extremely flexible and           allows parents to share the leave time anyway they want (Saxonberg 2009). For           example, it is possible for the mother to go on leave some of the days of the week           (for  example,  Monday, Wednesday,  Friday)  while  the  father  goes  on  leave  the           other days (for example, Tuesday, Thursday). It is also possible for the mother to           go on parental leave for part of the day (for example, 8:00–12:00), while the father           goes on leave for the other part of the day (for example, from 12:00–16:00).              The national government could also increase support for daycare for children           under  three  in  order  to  enable  women  to  return  to  work  sooner  after  giving           birth. This might seem a strange suggestion given the strong societal norm that           young children should stay at home. Surveys, however, indicate that a substantial           minority of parents would in fact consider sending their children to daycare if           they thought the quality was high enough and the fee low enough. At the national           level, the Eurobarometer from 2009 shows that 24% of the Czech population           think that children under 3 should attend daycare. Meanwhile, our survey data           from Brno shows that a similar number would potentially support the idea of           sending their children to daycare (that is if we include those who did not send           their children because it was too expensive, there was no daycare available, they           think the quality was too low or they were not able to because they were on           parental leave with another child). If 24% attended daycare that would still be a           substantial increase from today and it would make a difference for a large number           of women. In addition, many of the respondents from our focus groups were           indeed against sending children under two to daycare, but supportive of sending           two-year old children at least part-time to daycare if the price were low enough.              As  with  parental  leave  reform,  childcare  reform  could  be  implemented  in           many different ways. To the extent that the government supports public daycare,           it could either give subsidies to kindergartens to expand and take in children           1–3  years  old,  or  it  could  give  local  governments  subsidies  to  open  up  new           nurseries for children 1–3 or it could give subsidies for creating new types of           daycare centres.              Communist  era,  nurseries  have  poor  reputations  and  our  focus  group           discussions suggest a general mistrust against the state in providing daycare for           children  under  three.  The  national  government,  therefore,  could  also  provide           subsidies for private types of daycare facilities. This too could be done in several           ways. One would be to simply allow parents to work and use daycare as much as           they want and still receive the parental leave benefits that are not based on the           income replacement principle. This would mean that parents (mostly mothers)           could still stay at home for up to four years if they want to, but they could also           use the benefits for paying for private daycare. In that case, they would have much           higher incomes and they could return to work much sooner. One could even           argue that the monthly benefits paid to working parents should be higher than           the benefits paid to parents who stay at home with their children after the initial           maternity and paternity leave, because by returning to work more quickly they           are adding more to the national economy (since they pay taxes on their working           income, they produce things, and they create jobs for daycare teachers). Also,","ConCLusIons and PoLICy reCoMMendatIons                             18                international studies have shown that sending children to a high quality daycare              is an important investment in human capital, because such children usually go on              to do better in school and get better jobs (Esping-Andersen 2009).                 Another  possibility  would  be  to  have  the  state  give  more  direct  subsidies              to private daycare. For example, the state could pay a certain percentage of the              costs of attending private daycare up to a certain level. As already noted, if local              governments also had the legal option of raising their own revenues, it would also              make it easier for them to subsidize daycare.                 Currently, private daycare centres can cost up to 25,000 CZK/month, which              amounts to the same as the average salary in the country before paying taxes. It is              more common for private daycare centres to charge somewhere between 10,000–              15,000 CZK/month, which still amounts to a substantial portion of most working              mothers’ incomes after paying taxes. Thus, it is clear that the national or local              governments need to subsidize daycare for children under three if more than              a small marginal group is to use them. Our respondents with high educational              levels said that 3,000–3,500 CZK/month would be the maximum acceptable fee.              This would still be higher than the current fees for public kindergarten, but at              the same time much lower than current prices of private institutions. However,              those with lower educational levels and lower incomes stated that 2,000–2,500              CZK/month was the maximum that they could afford.                 Even though it is less controversial in the Czech context to discuss the need for              the state to support kindergartens, even this institution has problems. In recent              years the birth rate has increased, while the number of places in kindergartens has              largely stagnated. This has caused an acute shortage of daycare even for children              over three. Given this shortage, municipalities are forced to find ways of deciding              which children should have priority for gaining admittance. The mothers whom we              interviewed in the focus groups complained about the selection criteria the Brno              municipality applies in making its decisions. They argue that the mother’s situation              should play a greater role. For example, single mothers should have priority over              mothers living with their partner. They also complained that the municipality is              not doing enough to adjust the capacity to the needs of the population. When              birthrates increase, they should increase the number of kindergarten places to              accommodate the larger number of children. The mothers also suggested that              the kindergartens provide longer opening hours, e.g. by introducing two shifts of              kindergarten teachers. Supporting company kindergartens would also provide an              alternative to kindergartens that hold regular school hours. Longer hours would              accommodate mothers’ working schedules and on-site locations would eliminate              the need for further travel. These are changes that municipalities like Brno could              make without changes in national legislation.                 Many of these suggestions related to the provision of institutional childcare              services for pre-school children are at least partly considered in the bill on childcare              groups (discussed in Chapter 3). From this point of view, the introduction of this              bill would be an important impetus for the further development of childcare              services  for  pre-school  children,  as  it  would  support  the  creation  of  further              childcare  capacities  (for  children  aged  0–6)  by  the  municipality,  but  also  by              companies in the form of company kindergartens. Furthermore, the childcare","1                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             group, with its – at least – basic quality standards could also help to overcome           the still prevailing negative perception of institutional care for children under           the age of 3.              Finally, many of the respondents complained that they would like to work less           than full-time when their children are young, but part-time positions are hard to           find and the pay is rather meagre. They point out, based on their own experiences           from working abroad or from acquaintances who work abroad, that in other EU           countries such as Germany, it is possible to earn a living from a part time job, but           this is hardly possible in the Czech Republic. Thus, they suggested such measures           as offering tax relief to companies that create part-time positions.              Consequently, we make the following general recommendations for improving           care for children:              a)  The  introduction  of  a  paternity  leave  with  similar  conditions  as  the                 maternity leave.              b)  Increasing the flexibility of the various types of parental leaves (including                 maternity and a future paternity leave), so that it is possible for parents to                 share the leave time and working time (by, for example, making it possible                 for parents to work and stay at home during different days of the week or                 different times of the day).              c)  Increased support for both public and private daycare. If the parental leave                 scheme  continues,  then  parents  should  receive  the  full  amount  if  they                 work, so they could use the leave benefits to pay for private daycare.              d)  Implement measures such as tax relief to encourage companies to create                 part-time jobs.              e)  Increase the flexibility of opening hours at kindergartens and make sure                 that capacity increases when childbirths increase.           taking care of dependent elderly family members in Brno            Apart from women with childcare responsibilities, the second focus of this book           was  on  care  responsibilities  in  relation  to  care  for  elderly  dependents.  Elder           care responsibilities potentially influence women’s labour market participation.           However, in contrast to the group of women caring for preschool children, this           group of women is not that visibly and clearly definable from the point of view           of statistical analysis. Hence, the starting point for our analysis was not as easy           to grasp as in the case of care responsibilities for pre-school children, as there           were  no  data  available  on  how  caring  responsibilities  for  elderly  dependent           relatives impact women’s labour market integration. Therefore, Chapter 4, which           focused on the question of how policies and services related to elder care frame           the  situation  of  women  with  such  care  responsibilities,  was  at  the  same  time           important for mapping how this policy and service context potentially supports/           constrains these women’s labour market participation.              In this respect, the major issues which appeared to importantly characterize           the current overall elder care situation in Brno, are whether the care benefit works           as it is supposed to and how this impacts on informal (predominantly female)           carers, as well as the problem of capacity in institutional elder care facilities. As","ConCLusIons and PoLICy reCoMMendatIons                             18                far as the former is concerned, our analysis suggests that, though the care benefit              seems to work for the elderly to buy care services, it remains unclear to what              extent this benefit supports the informal carers’ reconciling of care work with              gainful employment. Here, the central question is whether it allows paying for              professional home care services to an extent which enables the informal carer              – mainly of the elderly with grave and total dependence – to remain in full-              time employment. This is especially important as the level of the caring benefit              for this dependence level only partly compensates for the loss of income, when              the informal carer has to reduce working hours or even quit his/her job. The              relevant  policy  documents,  however,  ignore  this  central  point.  Though  the              current policy framework nominally recognizes the informal carers’ problem of              reconciling of work and care, it does not propose measures which would support              a greater gender equality (that is a stronger engagement of men in informal care              work). Rather, women’s greater share in informal care work is taken for granted.              Hence, the problem of reconciling their care work with (full-time) labour market              participation remains a primarily private issue.                 At the same time, the predominantly female informal carers have only a very              limited range of alternatives to informal care (in combination with professional              home care) and its reconciling with full-time labour market participation. Neither              does the level of the care benefit compensate informal carers at a level that would              allow them to leave their job or reduce working hours, nor does the system of              elderly care services provide sufficient capacities in institutional care facilities.              The latter is especially a problem of time. The long waiting times of approximately              up to two years do not provide much space for reacting to unexpected changes              of care needs. Hence, though the strategic policy documents define institutional              elderly care facilities as a kind of last resort, for cases where the dependent elderly              loses his or her self-sufficiency to an extent that could no longer be handled in              the „natural“ family environment, the analysed information suggests, that they do              not work in this way. From this point of view, the currently common approach of              applying for places in elderly care facilities (long) before an urgent need occurs              is a strategy of dealing with this inflexibility, which however at the same time              increases the problem of long waiting times.                 The results of the two focus groups which were organized with employed              women with elderly care responsibilities living in Brno, presented in Chapter 6,              allowed a more differentiated look at the matters raised in relation to the elder care              policy and service context. The experiences of the women caring for dependent              elderly family members importantly supplemented these findings.                 What was characteristic and striking in this respect, is the broad consensus              in both FG groups that the most central motivation for their informal care is              to enable their dependent elderly family members to stay in the home/family              environment to which they are accustomed for as long as possible. Hence, for the              respondents, caring for their close dependent family members is strongly related              to normative considerations of where, how and by whom these relatives should              be cared for. According to the FG participants, the main responsibility for care              is in the hands of the family. They did not discuss individual responsibility and              also see the responsibility of the state as only secondary or supplementary in","1                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             those cases where the family can no longer handle the care alone. From this point           of view, ideal care arrangements are those that provide care within the family.           However, when needed, care can be supplemented by professional home care           services. These elderly care norms are moreover in accordance with the central           strategic policy conceptions for elder care presented and analysed in Chapter 4,           which similarly emphasize the role of the family and the individual support of the           person’s life in his/her “natural environment”. However, this general agreement           on basic care norms does not automatically mean that the policy context fully           supports the carers’ strategies in relation to decision making about their labour           market integration and elder care arrangements.              The FG participants discussed two major issues which make it difficult for           them to find care arrangements that simultaneously satisfy the needs of their frail           elderly dependent and allow them to achieve a balance between their care duties           and their gainful employment. The first is a lack of trust in institutional care           and the perception that these institutions provide low quality services. During           the discussions, the respondents repeatedly brought up certain characteristics of           institutional care which they see as problematic (especially too high ratios of           patients to carers, long waiting hours, low pay and bad working conditions for           the caring personnel). This perception of institutional care not only enforces the           norm of “enabling care in the home/family environment as long as possible” but           at the same time limits the acceptance of this form of care to more complicated           cases (bedridden patients, patients that need non-stop medical supervision) – in           relation to this, some respondents talk about the necessity of choosing institutional           care very carefully.              Secondly, financial constraints are critical, especially, but not exclusively, for           the FG respondents with lower education. The amount of benefits, the costs of           services and the lack of availability of part-time work reinforce each other. The           level of state support in the form of the caring benefit is rather low and within           the existing system of defining the benefit level, some respondents see a certain           tendency to keep this level low. This problem is also reflected in the fact that some           respondents report the need to co-finance care/medication for their dependent           elderly family members. Public social services are seen as financially available and           sufficient; however, the granted care benefits and the extent of services provided           are perceived as being restricted (opening hours, etc.). Private services, which are           more flexible, are in turn financially available mainly for the respondents with           higher educational attainment, yet even for them these services are not ideal.           Finally, in the context of the Czech Republic, part-time work is not widely used/           available  and  if  it  is  available,  it  is  financially  often  unsustainable.  Hence,  the           FG participants reported that there is also (apart from the norm of full-time           work for women) an important financial need (especially for the respondents           with lower educational attainment) to keep their full-time job, despite their care           responsibilities. This need is further enforced by the low level of the state care           benefit, which, if paid to an informal carer, does not compensate for the loss of           income stemming from the reduction of working hours.              In this situation, public social services play an important role in supporting           women  in  reconciling  full-time  employment  with  their  care  responsibilities.","ConCLusIons and PoLICy reCoMMendatIons                             18                Currently, these services do not allow them to achieve an ideal work/life/care              balance, however. For many of the respondents with lower educational attainment,              the ideal balance would be having a part-time job that allows them to earn their              living  in  combination  with  less  restricted  public  care  services  and/or  more              affordable private caring services. By contrast, for many of the respondents with              higher educational attainment, the ideal balance would be having full-time access              to home care services while they are at work. In the current situation, by contrast,              the respondents achieve a reconciling of their paid employment with their care              responsibilities through dedicating most of their spare time to caring duties. As              a result, their gainful employment turns into an important opportunity to have a              rest from their caring duties and to take their minds off their care-related worries.              That is, the respondents’ labour market participation takes on the meaning of              “spare” time. From this point of view, the fact that the FG respondents of both              groups saw their labour market participation as a matter of course, which forms              an important part of their lives, is not only related to the tradition of women’s full              time labour market participation described in Chapter 1, but also constitutes a              certain strategy of the informal carers to cope with their care responsibilities.              policy recommendations related to the care of an elderly dependent               These issues are not a simple matter of local elder care policies; rather they are              importantly related to the national policy framework for the provision of elder              care,  most  importantly  to  the  design  of  the  care  benefit:  even  in  the  case  of              the elderly’s complete dependence it pays only for a maximum of 30 hours of              professional home care a week. This means in cases where the elderly dependent              has completely lost his/her self-sufficiency and needs more or less 24hour care,              the informal carer is forced to reduce her (his) employment and still has non-              stop caring duties for the rest of the day (without spare time or a compensation              of income losses). Similarly as in the previous section on childcare, the following              section on policy recommendations begins by looking at what types of reforms              the national government could make; then it looks at reforms that municipal              governments such as Brno could implement. Finally, it looks at reforms which local              governments could make together with help from the national government.                 As argued by a large majority of the respondents, the care benefit in the Czech              Republic is too low. Those with the lowest level of support only receive 800 CZK              or 32 EUR per month. This is much too low to make it possible for informal              carers to stay at home or work part-time (as it does not compensate for the loss of              income). Of course, there is also a gender aspect: if the benefit pays a low flat rate,              then few men would be willing to leave their jobs to take care of elderly parents              or parents-in-law, so to the extent that informal caring is done, it is mostly done              by women. The respondents also criticized the system for examining the elderly              and deciding about the amount of benefit. According to them, this process is not              objective.                 Rather than paying the elderly benefits to hire informal carers, it would make              more sense for the state to increase its support for professional homehelpers,              so that women do not feel pressure to leave their jobs in order to take care of","1                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             their elderly parents or parents-in-law. An increase in the support for professional           homehelpers  would  make  it  easier  for  the  elderly  to  remain  in  their  homes           without having to pressure their children to give up their jobs. The focus group           participants suggest that this could also be accomplished by giving support to           private enterprises that want to provide services for the elderly.              Two other problems that the elderly face are the coordination between social           services and elder care and the lack of financial support. There seems to be a           lack of cooperation and information between the more purely health-oriented           institutions, such as hospitals, and those providing social services, such as home           care and elderly homes. They also noted that they sometimes have trouble getting           information about social services from doctors and medical staff. The focus group           participants also mention the problem of favouritism and the need to sometimes           pay bribes to obtain residential social services and healthcare. Thus, to the extent           that one must wait for a place in an elderly home, the system for choosing people           should be fairer.              When it comes to the lack of financial support, the focus group participants           complain that it is difficult for their close elderly relatives to survive on their           pensions, which they deem to be unfair, since they worked hard all their lives. As           already noted, the extra benefits for being disabled are also much too low to be           able to hire help.              Furthermore,  there  is  general  agreement  that  the  system  of  caring  for  the           elderly  in  their  homes  should  be  reformed.  First,  they  noted  that  the  public           funded homehelpers have much too restricted visiting hours. Their visiting hours           should be extended so that they would be able to come at different times during           the day. Now, visiting nurses may only spend 1.5 hours per client per day, which isNow, visiting nurses may only spend 1.5 hours per client per day, which is           not sufficient. Those with lower educational levels suggest that each homehelper           (social worker or nurse) should have fewer clients to take care of, so that they           could provide higher quality care.              Another  possibility  would  be  to  subsidize  private  enterprises  that  provide           home services. The focus group respondents claim that private home care servicesThe focus group respondents claim that private home care services           currently provide more flexible and longer working hours for accompaniment           and other services than do public services. However, today these services are too           expensive.              Finally, what also can be done on the local level is to increase the support           of institutional care facilities, to make institutional care alternatives easier (and           more quickly) available as well as at a higher quality level, for those cases where           a combination of informal carer and professional homehelper are no longer able           to provide appropriate care. This step is, however, much more expensive than           the support of professional home care services and hence a matter of financial           resources – already in the current situation more than three quarters of elderly           care spending in Brno goes to institutional care facilities. Furthermore, such an           extension of institutional elder care facilities goes partly against the basic idea of           the current policy frame work, that is, the support of care in the elder’s natural           environment. Thus, the room for change on the local level is importantly limited           by financial constraints and the national policy framework.","ConCLusIons and PoLICy reCoMMendatIons                             189                   Consequently,  we  can  make  the  following  suggestions  for  potential  policy              improvements:                 a)  The  pension  system  should  be  reformed,  so  that  the  elderly  receive  a                    liveable income.                 b)  The  state  should  give  greater  support  to  both  public  and  private                    homehelpers to be able to keep elderly in the natural environment and                    provide appropriate care to them.                 c)  The  state  should  support  quality  services  by  supporting  the  further                    education of homehelpers as well as motivate well educated social workers                    to stay in the field of social services by providing an appropriate income.                 d)  National and local governments should take measures to improve their                    coordination and the coordination between healthcare and social service                    organizations.                 e)  The  national  government  should  give  more  support  to  home  care  and                    informal care within families to keep the elderly in their homes as long                    as  possible,  which  is  in  accordance  with  the  ideal  of  elder  care. At  the                    same  time,  however, the  national  government should also give support                    to retirement homes, so that the waiting times decrease and the quality of                    care increases (e.g. in the sense of the patient-nurse ratio).                 f)  Municipalities, such as Brno, should take measures to ensure that the rules                    for receiving services and care benefits are more transparent and that the                    distribution of these services and decisions about benefits are done in a                    fairer manner.                 g)  Municipalities should take steps to fight against corruption and bribery in                    the allocation of services.                 ReFeRenCeS               Esping-Andersen, G., 2009. The Incomplete Revolution: Adapting to Women’s New Roles.                 Cambridge: Polity Press.              Hašková, H., Saxonberg, S. \& Mudrák, J., eds. 2012. Péče o nejmenší: Boření mýtů. (Childcare:                 breaking myths). Praha: SLON, Sociologický ústav AV ČR.              Saxonberg, S., 2009. Freedom of Choice through the Promotion of Gender Equality.Freedom of Choice through the Promotion of Gender Equality. Social                 Policy \& Administration, 43(6), pp. 666–679.              Saxonberg, S., 2014. Gendering Family Policies in Post-Communist Europe: A Historical-                 Institutional Analysis. Basinstoke: Palgrave.","","LIst of tabLes and fIGures                                         191                  LISt oF taBLeS anD FIGUReS                  Figure…I.1… Fertility Rates in the Czech Republic 1980–2008  …………………………… 9               Table…I.1…  Employment Impact of Parenthood and Part-time Work (2007)  …………… 11              Table…1.1…  Economic Activity in General ………………………………………………… 23              Table…1.1…  Economic Activity in General – Continuation  ……………………………… 24              Table…1.2…  The Development of Unemployment in the City of Brno 2001–2011                        (Registered Unemployment Rate, Annual Average)  ………………………… 24              Table…1.3…  Development of Full-time and Part-time Employment at NUTS 3 and                        National Level  ………………………………………………………………… 26              Table…1.4…  Economic Activity by Educational Attainment in 2011 ……………………… 28              Table…1.4…  Economic Activity by Educational Attainment in 2011 – Continuation  …… 29              Table…1.5…  Economic Activity by Age Groups in 2011 …………………………………… 31              Table…1.6…  Economic Activity of Women with Young Children in 2011 ………………… 32              Table…2.1…  Educational Attainment in Brno in 1991, 2001 and 2011  …………………… 39              Table…2.2…  Education Level of Employees at the City Level in 2010 and the Population                        15–64 in 2011  ………………………………………………………………… 41              Table…2.3…  Male Dominated Sectors National Average 2009   …………………………… 43              Table…2.4…  Female Dominated Sectors National Average 2009   ………………………… 44              Table…2.5…  Male Dominated Sectors in the City of Brno 2010 …………………………… 44              Table…2.6…  Female Dominated Sectors in the City of Brno 2010 ………………………… 46              Table…2.7…  Male Dominated Occupations National Average 2009  ……………………… 47              Table…2.8…  Male Dominated Occupations (Double-digit ISCO-88 Code) National                        Average 2008 …………………………………………………………………… 47              Table…2.9…  Female Dominated Occupations National Average 2009  …………………… 48              Table…2.10… Female Dominated Occupations (Double-digit ISCO-88 Code) National                        Average 2008 …………………………………………………………………… 48              Table…2.11… Male Dominated Occupations in the City of Brno 2010  …………………… 49              Table…2.12… Female Dominated Occupations in the City of Brno 2010 …………………… 49              Table…2.13… Sectoral Gender Segregation in the City of Brno in the Years 1991, 2001 and                        2011   …………………………………………………………………………… 51              Table…2.14… Occupational Gender Segregation (CZ-ISCO-88) in the City of Brno in the                        Years 1991, 2001 and 2010   …………………………………………………… 53              Table…2.15… Percentage of Men/Women and Share in Total Employment of Men/Women                        by Company Ownership, Brno 2010  ………………………………………… 54              Table…2.16… Salaries in Typically Feminized Sectors and in those Sectors which Show the                        Highest Gender Pay Gaps in the Czech Republic in 2009 (in CZK)  ………… 56              Table…2.17… Salaries in the Most Frequently Female Occupations and in Occupations with                        the Highest Gender Pay Gaps in the Czech Republic in 2009 (in CZK)  …… 57              Table…2.18… Prestige and Average Income (in CZK) for Selected Occupations (2008/2009) 58              Table…2.19… Percentiles and Gender Gaps of Monthly Earnings (in CZK) in the Czech                        Republic in 2009  ……………………………………………………………… 59              Table…2.20… Amount of Pensions and Gender Pay Gaps in Brno in 2009 (in CZK) ……… 60              Table…3.1…  The Development of Nurseries in Brno  ……………………………………… 71              Table…3.2…  Overview of the National Average and Median Income for Men and Women                        by Educational Attainment (in CZK) in 2011 ………………………………… 83              Table…4.1…  Share of Care Allowance Beneficiaries as of July 1 , 2010 According to the                                                             st                        Grade of their Dependence …………………………………………………… 97","192                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             Table…4.2…  Structure of Social Services for Elderly in Brno (2011)  …………………… 100           Table…4.3…  Capacity of Social Services in Brno in 2011 According to Different Types                     of Providers  ………………………………………………………………… 101           Table…4.4…  Population by Senior Age at the Local, Regional and National Level 2010   102           Table…4.5…  Unsuccessful Applications in Residential care in the South Moravian                     Region in 2011  ……………………………………………………………… 106           Table…4.6…  Municipal Subsidies for Elder Care Provided by NGOs and Churches                     (Registered Social Services) ………………………………………………… 106           Table…4.7…  Operating Expenditures Funded from the City Budget in 2010 …………… 107           Table…4.8…  Elder Care Expenditures in Brno by Inhabitant, Elderly 65+ and Elderly                     80+ (in CZK) ………………………………………………………………… 107           Table…7.1…  What is the Ideal Amount of Hours to Work per Week?  ………………… 163           Table…7.2…  Who Takes Care of Children Younger than Three-years Old ……………… 164           Table…7.3…  Why Not Formal Childcare for Children under Three  …………………… 165           Table…7.4…  Trust in Institutions ………………………………………………………… 166           Table…7.5…  Logistic Regression for Possibly Being Willing to Send One’s Children                     under Three to Daycare  …………………………………………………… 167           Table…7.6…  Percentage of Brno Women Returning to Previous Job after Parental Leave  168           Table…7.7…  Logistic Regression for Returning to Previous Job after Parental Leave  … 168           Table…7.8…  What is the Best Type of Care if the Elderly Parent Can No Longer Manage                     to Live on His/Her Own? …………………………………………………… 169           Table…7.9…  Why do You Provide Care and Support for Your Elderly Relatives?  ……… 169           Table…7.10… Does Caring for an Older Relative Limit the Type or Amount of Paid Work                     You Can Do? ………………………………………………………………… 170           Table…7.11… Logistic Regression for Supporting Institutional Care for the Elderly                     (Nursing Homes or Home Helpers) ………………………………………… 171","LIst of abbrevIatIons                                              19                  LISt oF aBBReVIatIonS                  ČSR       Czechoslovak Republic              ČSSR      Czechoslovak Socialist Republic              ČSSZ      Česká správa sociálního zabezpečení/Czech Social Security Administration              ČSÚ       Český statistický úřad/Czech Statistical Office              CZK       Czech Crowns (currency)              EUR       Euro (currency)              FSÚ       Federální statistický úřad/Federal Statistical Office              ISCED     International Standard Classification of Education              ISCO      International Standard Classification of OccupationsInternational Standard Classification of Occupations              KPSS      Komunitní plánování sociálních služeb/Community Planning of Social Services              MOLSA     Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs              MPSV      Ministerstvo práce a sociálních věcí/Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs              MŠMT      Ministerstvo školství, mládeže a tělovýchovy České republiky/Ministry of                        Education, Youth and Sport of the Czech Republic              NGO       Non-Governmental Organization              OŠMT      Odbor školství, mládeže a tělovýchovy Města Brna/Department of Education,                        Youth and Sport at the Brno Municipality              PSP       Portál sociální péče města Brna/Portal of Social Care of the City of Brno              PZJMK     Průzkum zaměstnanosti v Jihomoravském kraji/Employment Survey in thePrůzkum zaměstnanosti v Jihomoravském kraji/Employment Survey in the/Employment Survey in the                        South Moravian Region (organized by the Brno Labour Office on annual basis)organized by the Brno Labour Office on annual basis)              ÚIV       Ústav pro informace ve vzdělávání/Institute for Information in Education              ÚZIS      Ústav zdravotnických informací a statistiky/Institute of Health Information and                        Statistics of the Czech Republic              VŠPS      Výběrové šetření pracovních sil/Labour Force Survey              VÚPSV     Výzkumný ústav práce a sociálních věcí/Research Institute for Labour and Social                        Affairs","","naMe Index                                                         19                  naMe InDeX                   a                                    h              Alldred, P.  16                      Haataja, A.  10, 17              Anker, R.  41, 42, 43, 52, 62        Hakim, C.  42, 62, 162, 172              Anttonen, A.  6, 16                  Hantrais, L.  5, 12, 17                                                   Hartmann, H.  41, 62              B                                    Hašková, H.  9, 11, 17, 18, 21, 33, 36, 65, 66, 67,              Baldock, J.  16                         69, 72, 82, 90, 132, 164, 172, 181, 189              Barbour, R. S.  113, 132, 137, 156   Hennink, M. M.  113, 132,  137, 156              Barnow, B. S.  6, 17                 Herbst, C. M.  6, 17              Barrientos, A.  5, 18                Holmerová, I.  14, 17              Bartáková, H.  7, 114, 131, 132              Bettio, F.  42, 49, 62               Ch              Bonoli, G.  5, 16                    Chantal, R.  36              Bulíř, M.  8, 16, 66, 90              Burau, V.  5, 6, 16                  I              Bussemaker, J.  12, 16               Inglehart, R.  163, 172              C                                    J              Castles, F. G.  5, 16                Jaklová, H.  69, 72, 73, 87, 91              Crompton, R.  162, 172               Janoušková, K.  39, 41, 55, 63              Čápová, H.  10, 16                   Janoušková, M.  95, 110              Čermáková, M.  9, 16, 21, 22, 32, 33, 35, 39, 55,   Jensen, C.  5, 17                 62, 117, 132                      Jeřábek, H.  7, 97, 98, 110, 111, 138, 140, 141,                                                      142, 156              D              Dudová, R.  18, 22, 25, 26,  27, 33, 35, 58, 63,   K                 126, 132, 172                     Katrňák, T.  39, 41, 55, 63              Duncan, S.   6, 16, 42, 164,  172    Kaufman, B.  13, 17              Dunovský, J.  8, 17                  Kitzinger, J.  113, 132, 137,  156                                                   Klíma, M.  8, 17              e                                    Kozelský, T.  59, 62, 63              Edwards, R.  6, 16, 164, 172         Kreipl, J.  8, 17, 66              Eichler, M.  5, 17, 168, 172         Kremer, M.  67, 131, 132, 167, 172              England, P.  41, 62                  Kröger, T.  5, 6, 16              Esping-Andersen, G.  5, 12, 17, 183, 189  Krueger, R.  113, 132, 137, 156,                                                   Křížková, A.  7, 18, 22, 25, 32, 33, 36, 41, 42, 47,              F                                       48, 49, 50, 52, 55, 57, 58, 63, 114, 117, 130,              Fellner, A.  11, 17                     131, 132, 172              Ferrera, M.  5, 17                   Kubalčíková, K.  101, 110              Formánková, L.  36, 132              Kučera, M.  8, 19                                                   Kuchařová, V.  73, 74, 76, 78,  90              G              George, V.  5, 16                    L              Gornick, J. C.  5, 17                Langmeier, J.  8, 17              Greenbaum, T.  113, 132,137, 156     Leibfried, S.  5, 17                                                   Leitner, S.  12, 17, 93","19                                           Mothers – GrandMothers – dauGhters?             Lewis, J.  5, 17                    S           Lister, R.  5, 12, 17               Sainsbury, D.  5, 16, 18                                               Saxonberg, S.  5, 9, 11, 12, 13, 17, 18, 21, 33, 36,           M                                      65, 66, 67, 69, 72, 82, 90, 91, 95, 110, 162,           Marek, J.  25, 36                      164, 165, 172, 173, 180, 181, 182, 189,           Maříková, H.  10, 13, 14, 18, 36, 67, 69, 90, 93,   Sayre, S.   113, 132, 138, 157              94,  95,  96,  101,  102,  106,  110,  132,  162,   Schimmerlingová, V.  13, 17, 18              168, 172                         Schultz, A.  5, 18           Matějček, Z.  8, 17                 Sipilä, J.  16           Meyers, M. K.  5, 17                Sirovátka, T.  9, 13, 18, 69, 90, 91, 162, 173,           Mišurcová, V.  11, 18               Skopalová, J.  60, 63           Mitchell, D.  5, 16                 Srb, V.  8, 19           Morgan, D. L.  113, 132, 137, 156   Strell, M.  164, 172           Mosley, H.  99, 110                 Strohmeier, K. P.  5, 18           Mudrák, J.  9, 11, 17, 21, 33, 36, 65, 66, 67, 72,   Svobodová, K.  90, 111,              82, 90,  164, 172, 181, 189      Svobodová, R.  69, 70, 71, 81, 87, 91           Musil, J.  63                       Šmídová, I.  39, 41, 55, 63,           Myers, G.  113, 132, 137, 155       Šnajdrová, Z.  63                                               Štěpánková, M.  69, 72, 73, 87, 91           n           Niederle, P.  94, 111               t           Norris, P.  163, 172                Taylor-Gooby, P.  5, 16           Novotná, V.  13, 18                                               Thorslund, M.  6, 19           o                                   Tomášek, M.  58, 63                                               Tošnerová, T.  138, 157           Orloff, A. S.  5, 18                Trydegård, G.-B.  6, 19           Outshoorn, J.  5, 18, 168, 172                                               U           p           Pfau-Effinger,  B.  5,  6,  17,  18,  21,  36,  65,  90,   Uhde, Z.  18, 33, 36, 67, 69, 90, 172              161, 168, 172, 173           Plantega, J.  33, 36                V           Plasová, B.  13, 14, 18, 90, 93, 94, 95, 96, 101,   Valentová, M.  41, 55, 63              102,  106, 110, 169              Van Kersbergen, K.  12, 16           Powell, M.  5, 18                   Verashchagina, A.  42, 49, 62           Prušvic, D.  59, 62                 Veselá, J.  8, 98, 99, 111, 138, 140, 157           Přidalová, M.  8, 138, 141, 142, 147, 154, 156,   Vlach, J.  56, 59, 63              157                              Vohlídalová, M.  25, 26, 27, 33, 35                                               Vohralíková, L.  111           R           Rabušic, L.  111                    W           Rážová, E.  97, 111                 Wagnerová, A.  8, 19           Reskin, B. F.  42, 63               Walby, S.  41, 63           Reynolds, T.  16                    Wilkinson, S.  113, 132, 137, 157           Roos, P. A.  42, 63                 Wilson, G.  6, 19           Ross, K. E.  5, 17                  Wolfe, A.  131, 131           Rothstein, B.  166, 173             Wolfová, M.  13, 19           Rubášová, M.  98, 111               Wunderlich, H.  5, 18","Scientific editorial Board                prof. PhDr. Ladislav Rabušic, CSc.              Mgr. Iva Zlatušková              prof. RNDr. Zuzana Došlá, DSc.              Ing. Radmila Droběnová, Ph.D.              Mgr. Michaela Hanousková              doc. PhDr. Jana Chamonikolasová, Ph.D.              doc. JUDr. Josef Kotásek, Ph.D.              Mgr. et Mgr. Oldřich Krpec, Ph.D.              prof. PhDr. Petr Macek, CSc.              PhDr. Alena Mizerová              doc. Ing. Petr Pirožek, Ph.D.              doc. RNDr. Lubomír Popelínský, Ph.D.              Mgr. David Povolný              Mgr. Kateřina Sedláčková, Ph.D.              prof. MUDr. Anna Vašků, CSc.              prof. PhDr. Marie Vítková, CSc.              doc. Mgr. Martin Zvonař, Ph.D.","Mothers…–…Grandmothers…–…Daughters?           Reconciling…Labour…Market…Integration…with…Care…Responsibilities…in…Brno           Steven Saxonberg, Martina Kampichler, Miroslava Janoušková            Cover by Jarmila Marvanová           Photo by Miroslava Janoušková           Language Revision by Marni Kristin            Published by Masaryk University           Brno 2013           1st edition            ISBN 978-80-210-6712-7","The book describes and discusses two central care norms,         how they are institutionalized in related policy areas and         how they potentially structure the lives of women in the         Czech Republic and Brno in general and their labour         market  chances  in  particular:  the  norm  of  personal         full-time care for children under the age of 3 by their         mother  and  the  norm  of  enabling  frail  elderly  family         members  to  stay  in  their  home  environment  as  long         as possible. Though these two care norms are related         to  very  different  life  situations,  they  have  a  common         denominator.  That  is,  they  bring  about  the  need  for         (informal) care work, which is predominantly ascribed         to and done by women, as mothers, grandmothers, and         daughters.  The  presented  research  was  conducted  as         part of the EU financed project “Impact of local welfare         systems on female labour force participation and social         cohesion” (FLOWS)."];